Critical to reduce reliance on oil & gas

Debbie Too
BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN

BRUNEI has a "unique opportunity" to invest in the "greening" of the economy, which would also reduce reliance on traditional energy sources.

Aneta Nikolova, the environmental affairs officer for the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UN-ESCAP), told The Brunei Times there was incontrovertible evidence to show that countries that focused on only one type of fossil fuel for their energy needs would eventually reach a critical point.

"There is always a critical point, because hydrocarbon, for example, is a finite source... There is no need to wait for that critical point to come closer," she said.

Nikolova also said that oil and gas exploration would become more expensive as fossil fuel reserves were used up, forcing petrochemical companies to bore deeper into the earth's crust. She said that current technology only permitted 40 to 50 per cent of the world's oil reserves to be extracted "so there is basically a lot of room now to start experimenting and building the technology base for renewable energy," Nikolova, a trained petrochemical and engineering geologist, said.

Nikolova said Brunei was in the fortunate position of having a leadership that was very much aware of the need for conservation of nature. She said that Brunei had wisely reinvested returns from oil and gas into natural capital restoration. The "system" is in place to give the country the opportunity to start expanding into renewable energy, such as wind, solar and possibly bio-gas.

"Brunei has an abundance of solar, and good wind opportunities. Another source that could be tapped into could be bio-gas collected from human settlements, big hospitals and farm toilets to produce electricity for home use," she said.

One scenario that Brunei could also explore would be to switch from a centralised electrical system, which she said has an 80 per cent loss on the grid transmitting energy to households, to a de-centralised power system.

This would create more jobs because more people would be needed to work in the compounds. She also said energy itself could be recycled. "During the day when most households have reduced occupancy, if Brunei has solar power, that could be sent back into the grid instead of using it for home use, so the opportunities are here," she said.

Nikolova said green growth created "very different and new opportunities" to be creative and innovative. "I have seen the amazing buildings (in Brunei) from your Sultan, and it is amazing to see the foresight and (care for) nature and the natural environment, so I have a very firm belief that there are a lot of opportunities here," she said.

Nikolova was in Brunei for the first national seminar on Green Growth Policy Tools for Low Carbon Development in Brunei Darussalam: On-site e-Learning Training of Trainers' Seminar at the University Technology Hub, Universiti Brunei Darussalam.

Dipetik dari - The Brunei Times

Singapore population half foreigners by 2030: Govt

FOREIGNERS could make up nearly half of Singapore's population by 2030, the government said yesterday as it unveiled its politically sensitive projection for a city of up to seven million boosted by young immigrants.

In a white paper on population, the government said Singaporeans' flagging birth rates — which have been below replacement levels for more than three decades — necessitated immigration into the prosperous Southeast Asian nation.

The paper, released by the National Population and Talent Division, said the total population could range between 6.5 and 6.9 million by 2030.

Foreigners would make up nearly half the population by then with the proportion of Singaporean citizens projected to fall to 55 per cent from 62 per cent as of June 2012.

Singapore's total fertility rates (TFR) of 1.20 children per woman last year are far below the 2.1 needed to sustain the native population, and have been so for more than three decades. "We do not expect our TFR to improve to the replacement rate of 2.1 in the short term," the paper said.

"Taking in younger immigrants will help us top up the smaller cohorts of younger Singaporeans, and balance the ageing of our citizen population," it added.

"To stop our citizen population from shrinking, we will take in between 15,000 and 25,000 new citizens each year," it stated, adding that the immigration rate would be reviewed "from time to time".

Immigration has been a politically sensitive issue for the government, which had in recent years widened the door for foreigners in order to sustain the city-state's economy.

But their numbers were reduced following a social backlash, with foreigners blamed for problems including overcrowding, straining public services and driving up housing costs.

The study said the government would take steps such as expanding transport networks and building more public housing to support the increase in population.

Dipetik dari - The Brunei Times

ASEAN must address HR violations

Quratul-Ain Bandial
BRUNEI-MUARA

THE protection of ASEAN's ethnic and religious minorities must be "seriously addressed", despite the bloc's policy of non-interference in member states' internal affairs, a representative from a regional human rights body said.

As Brunei chairs a five-day meeting in the capital for the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), Indonesia's representative Rafendi Djamin said the body must adequately address human rights violations.

"Protection of religious and ethnic minorities has to be seriously discussed within the AICHR, no matter how sensitive the issue is," he said, referring to the plight of the Rohingya people in Myanmar, described by the UN as one of the world's most persecuted minorities.

"When matters implicate several member states, this is when a regional approach is needed to address the challenges. That's my personal position no matter how sensitive it is you have to discuss these matters," Rafendi told The Brunei Times in an interview yesterday.

Established at a meeting between the 10 ASEAN leaders in October 2009, the AICHR was set up as a consultative body to promote regional co-operation on human rights. But human rights groups have characterised the AICHR as toothless and lacking the authority to investigate cases or prosecute human rights offenders.

Rafendi acknowledged that some clauses contained within the ASEAN Human Rights declaration "can be interpreted as a limitation of human rights" and that the commission was in the process of drafting "more binding" human rights laws.

"ASEAN cannot talk anymore that our human rights are only related to women and children's rights. It's very important that we have a very comprehensive standard of human rights stipulated in the declaration," he said. "We have to make these accepted norms within our society."

He added that the AICHR needed to engage more with civil society groups. "The level of discussion on human rights needs improvement; engaging more stakeholders civil society, experts, NGOs on human rights violations," Rafendi said.

"There's a lot to be improved, definitely. It's not so fast but moving in the right direction."

As Brunei takes the helm of ASEAN, Rafendi said he expected the country to deliver on a successful year for the body.

"Under the leadership of chair Brunei, I have a lot of expectations in terms of the delivery of the AICHR as a body for ASEAN and the people of ASEAN, bearing in mind the power and mandate that it has."

Brunei has stated that carrying out AICHR's activities will be a key priority under its stewardship.

Representatives from each ASEAN country met with Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade His Royal Highness Prince Mohamed Bolkiah on Tuesday. Brunei's representative to the AICHR is former minister of Culture, Youth and Sports Pehin Orang Kaya Setia Pahlawan Dato Seri Setia Dr Hj Ahmad Hj Jumat.

"We're happy that we met with him (Prince Mohamed, the chair of the AMM (ASEAN Ministerial Meeting). It's a very good sign that Brunei sees the importance of the AICHR as a new body."

"Human rights in this region can be a very sensitive issue. During the luncheon with the minister we were able to have an informal discussion about issues within ASEAN."

Dipetik dari - The Brunei Times

Isu status PR akan ditangani

Oleh Sim Y. H.

SERIA, 28 Jan - Kementerian Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri sedang merumuskan satu garis pandu yang dihasratkan untuk membantu menangani masalah status penduduk tetap yang diketengahkan oleh sesetengah penduduk khususnya bagi warga penduduk tetap Brunei perempuan atau wanita yang bersuamikan warganegara asing.

Mengulas mengenai dengan isu taraf penduduk atau imigresen, Menteri Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri, Yang Berhormat Pehin Udana Khatib Dato Paduka Seri Setia Ustaz Haji Awang Badaruddin bin Pengarah Dato Paduka Haji Othman, berkata, isu yang diketengahkan adalah mereka yang mempunyai kad pengenalan merah atau status penduduk tetap, di mana bagi perempuan yang bersuamikan warganegara asing, sukar mendapat taraf penduduk tetap.

"Mereka yang penduduk tetap Brunei itu adalah perempuan yang bersuamikan orang asing. Jadi setakat ini, Kementerian Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri, sedang merumuskan satu garis pandu yang kira-kira akan meliputi isu-isu seperti ini terutama sekali apabila mereka itu sudah berumah tangga lebih 20 ke 30 tahun, sudah melahirkan satu generasi baharu, generasi itu pun juga belum mendapat kad merah, isunya adalah isu persekolahan mereka, pekerjaan mereka.

"Insya Allah, mudah-mudahan dengan kebijaksanaan kepimpinan Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia, Kementerian Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri akan dapat merumuskan satu garis pandu bagi menyelesaikan isu-isu seperti ini."

Yang Berhormat Pehin menyatakan perkara ini dalam temu bual bersama media selepas lawatan kerja ke Mukim Sukang, Daerah Belait, hari ini.

Menurut beliau, penduduk di kawasan pendalaman tidak ketinggalan daripada menerima perhatian pihak kerajaan dengan pelbagai prasarana dan kemudahan-kemudahan seperti jalan raya dan bekalan elektrik, yang disediakan oleh kerajaan adalah dalam keadaan baik.

Di samping itu, kehidupan masyarakat khususnya dari segi perpaduan mereka amat mempercayai dengan kepimpinan yang ditunjukkan oleh ketua-ketua rumah panjang dan penghulu dalam memeduli serta terus prihatin terhadap keperluan dan kesejahteraan mereka.

Pada masa yang sama, usaha terus dijalankan untuk memperbaiki prasarana yang disediakan serta untuk menangani permasalahan yang disuarakan oleh masyarakat setempat.

"Perkara yang berbangkit dari dialog bersama orang ramai tadi adalah bagaimana prasarana yang ada diperbaiki. Ertinya ada jalan raya yang rosak diperbaiki."

Yang Berhormat Pehin menambah bahawa maklumat-maklumat yang dikemukakan semasa sesi dialog berkenaan telah diambil perhatian oleh pihak-pihak yang berkenaan untuk diambil tindakan selanjutnya serta percaya bahawa perkara berkenaan akan dapat diperbaiki dari semasa ke semasa.

Dipetik dari - Media Permata

US-China Relations: War in 2013?

 

By Addison Wiggin

 

War between the US and China — an unpleasant thought, for sure…unless you happen to be a defense contractor. The threat of war could be sufficient to power the defense industry’s profit growth for many years.

 

We would not be tackling this grim topic — nor engaging in the financial market version of grave-dancing — if the suits and uniforms in Washington understood that China is merely implementing its own version of the Monroe Doctrine.

 

If you don’t remember the Monroe Doctrine from history class, it goes like this: President James Monroe in 1823 put the European powers on notice that if they meddled anywhere in Latin America, the United States would step in to put a stop to it. It was a big “keep out of our backyard” sign.

 

OK, it was more subtle than that; an aging Thomas Jefferson congratulated Monroe on achieving a “cordial friendship with England.” The doctrine was, indeed, a tacit agreement between the United States and Great Britain. The US took a free ride on the Royal Navy. Its ships patrolled the waters surrounding Latin America, keeping the continental powers far from America’s doorstep.

 

The original Monroe Doctrine aimed to keep Europeans away. China’s Monroe Doctrine aims to keep the United States from getting closer than it is already.

 

“The Pacific basin has long been home to the United States’ largest trading partners, and Washington deploys more than 320,000 military personnel in the region, including 60% of its navy,” writes Conn Hallinan of the think tank Foreign Policy in Focus. “The American flag flies over bases in Japan, the Philippines, South Korea, Malaysia, Thailand, the Marshall Islands, Guam and Wake.” The US Seventh Fleet routinely sails near the Chinese coast, to the edge of the “12-mile limit” where international waters end.

 

No wonder Chinese leaders sense — rightly or wrongly — that they’re being encircled.

 

“China has made it clear that it will not tolerate the threat to its security represented by a foreign military presence at its gates when these foreign forces are engaged in activities designed to probe Chinese defenses and choreograph a way to penetrate them,” writes our acquaintance Chas Freeman, the veteran US diplomat who was President Nixon’s interpreter on his groundbreaking visit to “Red” China in 1972.

 

“There’s no reason to assume that China is any less serious about this than we would be if faced with similarly provocative naval and air operations along our frontiers.”

 

Thus are the Chinese asserting their dominion over the disputed Senkakus Islands. “China sees the islands as part of its defensive parameter,” Hallinan explains, “an understandable point of view considering the country’s history. China has been the victim of invasion and exploitation by colonial powers, including Japan, dating back to the first Opium War in 1839.”

 

China also insists it rightly controls a host of islands in the South China Sea — rich fishing grounds and a potential source of oil and gas. These islands, such as the Spratlys and Paracels, are also claimed by… oh, let’s run down the list: Vietnam, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei and the Philippines. Maybe the Kardashians too, for all we know.

 

In addition, China has...

• Commissioned its first aircraft carrier
• Developed a whiz-bang stealth fighter jet called the J-20
• Goosed its defense spending by double-digit percentages every year for the past decade (although Beijing’s defense budget it still one-fifth the size of Washington’s).

 A sensible US response would go something like this: “Hey, China’s implementing its own Monroe Doctrine. They want to be in charge in their own backyard. Meanwhile, we’re $16.4 trillion in debt. Heck, we owe $1.1 trillion of that to China. Why are we going deeper in debt to keep 60% of the Navy stationed in the Pacific basin? Maybe we should reconsider this whole ‘American lake’ thing.”

 

Instead, the US government is doubling down.

 

“As the war in Iraq winds down and America begins to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan, the United States stands at a pivot point,” Secretary of State Hillary Clinton wrote in Foreign Policy’s November 2011 issue. “One of the most important tasks of American statecraft over the next decade will therefore be to lock in a substantially increased investment — diplomatic, economic, strategic and otherwise — in the Asia-Pacific region.”

 

In DC wonk circles, this statement of intentions has come to be known as “the pivot.”

 

The same month Clinton published that article — with the presumptuous title “America’s Pacific Century” — the Obama administration stationed 2,500 US troops on Australia’s northern coast for the first time. More encirclement.

 

This “pivot” opens up an intriguing investment angle. Think of it as channeling some of your tax dollars back into your own pocket. The US defense industry is positively salivating over the pivot.

 

As 2012 wound down, the Aerospace Industries Association — whose membership roster reads like a list of ITA’s top holdings — issued its annual industry forecast. Reuters summed it up like this: “US sales of warplanes, anti-missile systems and other costly weapons to China’s and North Korea’s neighbors appear set for significant growth amid regional security jitters.”

 

Not to put too fine a point on it, the pivot “will result in growing opportunities for our industry to help equip our friends,” enthused AIA vice president Fred Downey. Orders from Asia will more than make up for a slowdown in buying by those parsimonious and peacenik Europeans.

 

And even if the automatic cuts in the US take effect, “contractors such as Lockheed, Boeing, Northrop and Raytheon Co. expect regional demand for their products and services to help them offset Pentagon belt-tightening,” says Reuters.

 

The AIA didn’t put numbers on its forecast, but pressed by Reuters, the industry group disclosed that sales agreements with countries under the US Pacific Command’s umbrella grew 5.4% in fiscal 2012 — to $13.7 billion.

 

Nevertheless, J.P. Morgan recently downgraded several of the big defense-sector names: “We believe,” said its report, “that Republicans as a group put a higher priority on spending cuts than they do on preserving the defense budget.”

 

We have our doubts… but even if that turns out to be true, there’s still money to be made from the pivot. Back in November, we urged the subscribers of Addison Wiggin’s Apogee Advisory to buy shares of The iShares Dow Jones US Aerospace and Defense ETF (ITA). The stock is up about 15% since then. But as the pivot proceeds, we would expect this stock to continue trending higher.

 

Dipetik dari - The Daily Reckoning

Concern over role of social media in cyber crimes

Nabilah Haris
BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN

RISING crime related to the Internet, especially involving social media, is a major issue for the IT Protective Security Services (ITPSS), which said it planned to take appropriate measures to ensure the public were safe.

ITPSS CEO Shamsul Bahri Hj Kamis said he was made aware of the growth in Internet-related crime at a national seminar he attended organised by the Authority for Info-communications Technology Industry (AITI) and the International Telecommunication Union (ITU).

"It is a serious problem. The statistics mentioned are, so to speak, depressing," Shamsul Bahri said.

"We were made to understand that incidents related to abuse via Internet-related media have been on the rise for the past few years."

He added: "During the seminar, a representative from the Royal Brunei Police Force (RBPF) stated that these cases included sexual grooming, molestation, cyberbullying and even rape. All these sexual crimes on children, according to them, were 100 per cent (instigated through) the Internet, mainly the social media." Several incidents of cyberbullying, through social media, which had materialised into real-life problems, had been reported to the ITPSS.

He said that at the moment parents and schoolchildren, including those in their teens, were the ITPSS' main priority as the most vulnerable groups.

The ITPSS will be carrying out its objectives through the Brunei Computer Emergency Response Team (BruCERT), under the ITPSS, which deals with computer-related and Internet-related security incidents in Brunei.

One of the ways the ITPSS is reaching its target groups is through the publication of two books Digibytes and A Parent's Guide: Online Safety for Children.

He said the books were aimed at children, students and even adults. He said they were designed to be easily understood and covered topics such as information security and the dangers of the Internet.

He also said the ITPSS would be conducting campaigns to spread awareness about safety throughout this year.

"InsyaAllah, we are going to have more targeted campaigns this year. It will be for the public in general. We do not have a proper schedule yet but we do plan to conduct these campaigns at public venues," he said.

"We will also be conducting these (campaigns) at schools. We have already been invited to various schools this year to give talks, along with practical sessions where our speakers will demonstrate ways individuals can protect themselves online."

A website will also be set up targeting these specific issues, Shamsul Bahri said. "We are attempting to set up a specialist website on information security awareness," he said.

"We do acknowledge that our physical materials (the books) are not widely well-known by the public. This is why we have been planning to set up this website to try and attract people. We want to advertise and promote more awareness, where people can easily gain access to these materials online."

However, these changes will not occur overnight. Shamsul Bahri said the establishment of the website would go through several phases and would include awareness-related games for children, as well as online surveys to see the effectiveness of the ITPSS' upcoming campaigns.

"We want feedback, and even criticism, on how to make our campaigns better. We have done surveys prior to this, but we are always striving for improvement. We have engaged a consultant to assist us with our programmes."

Shamsul Bahri said he was quite impressed with efforts made by several law-enforcement agencies and hoped to emulate their success. "We are quite impressed with what local enforcement agencies have done with their campaigns on school curriculums. We would like to approach them considering how effective their model is."

Shamsul Bahri said he would like to remind the public that predators existed in our society and that they were exploiting Bruneian openness.

"There is a tendency for people to post anything they want online. It is dangerous to reveal personal details even mentioning that you are alone. People are unaware that posting through a smartphone also reveals their location.

"Through BruCERT and our marketing team, we are trying to inculcate much needed awareness. Some of these perpetrators are exploiting the Malay culture of always giving and always trusting. We are trying to make people aware that it may not always be a good practice. Some things need to be kept private and confidential."

Interested members of the public may obtain copies of Digibytes and A Parent's Guide: Online Safety for Children at ITPSS, which is located at Simpang 69, Jalan E-Kerajaan, Gadong.

Dipetik dari - The Brunei Times

Brunei Darussalam: Islamic banking earmarked for further growth

The Islamic banking segment strengthened its position within Brunei Darussalam’s financial services industry last year on the back of rising demand that led to the launch of a new bank and major bond issuances. Having moved early to establish sharia-compliant services, the Sultanate is now well placed to carve out a niche for itself as an international Islamic banking centre. However, the industry will need to address a number of challenges, led by a shortage of skilled workers, if it is to fully support the segment’s development.

In mid-October, Standard Chartered Bank Brunei (SCB) said it was mulling plans to introduce Islamic banking products this year to meet increased demand for sharia-compliant banking services in the Sultanate. SCB’s announcement followed the September launch of the Islamic Bank of Brunei, which replaced the International Bank of Brunei as the sole domestically owned bank operating in the country.

The Tabung Amanah Islam Brunei was the first financial institution to offer savings and financing in accordance with Islamic principles when it was launched in 1991, followed two years later by the Islamic Bank of Brunei. They were joined in 2000 by the Islamic Development Bank of Brunei.

SCB’s CEO, Lai Pei-Si, told reporters during a media luncheon held at Hua Ho Manggis Mall in October that launching an Islamic bank was a “logical step to take and logical step to consider because Brunei has an express need for Islamic banking products”. He added that the bank would begin modestly by offering Islamic products, with hopes of bringing “much more comprehensive Islamic solutions into the country”.

In April, the managing director of Bank Islam Brunei Darussalam, Javed Ahmad, said the market share held by sharia-compliant banking was expected to increase to 60% from its current levels of 40-55% over the next five years.

Speaking at a seminar on Islamic finance, Ahmad said Brunei Darussalam’s strengths, led by strong economic and political stability, good infrastructure and government support, meant it was well placed to build a reputation as an Islamic financial centre. “With more aggressive marketing, Brunei Darussalam’s journey towards making itself an Islamic financial hub might become a possibility in the next few years,” he said.

A report prepared in December by global consultancy firm Ernst & Young said the worldwide value of Islamic banking would reach $1.55trn in 2012 and $1.8trn this year. Growth within the Muslim population of Middle East and North African countries and Asia, it added, were key drivers in the increasing demand for Islamic financial services. The Sultanate is clearly benefitting from early participation in the Islamic banking segment, having launched its first Islamic bond, the Short Term Government Sukuk Al-Ijarah programme worth BND150m ($111m) for a three-month certificate in April 2006.

In November, the Autoriti Monetari Brunei Darussalam (AMBD), which is acting as the central bank, announced the successful pricing of its 82nd issuance of sukuk, or Islamic bond, which was worth BND100m ($122.5m) at a rental rate of 0.16%. The move followed a $100m, 90-day issuance that matures this month.

While Brunei Darussalam is well placed to tap into growing interest in Islamic financial services, observers have highlighted the need for the Sultanate to develop new Islamic banking products if it is to maintain its position in the market.

“Understanding the theory of Maqasid al-Sharia (the objectives of Islamic law) and the defining characteristics of an Islamic bank could encourage the Islamic banking industry to improve and excel in their product innovation as well as financial intermediation that can be linked to economic growth,” Abdul Ghafar Ismail, a lecturer at the Research Centre for Islamic Economics and Finance, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, said at a conference in May.

Industry experts believe the Sultanate is working to address these challenges, with a particular emphasis on improving staff training after human resources was identified as a factor that could limit its success in the field. “Having strengthened its operational base and regulatory framework, Brunei is now taking steps to address a shortage of trained industry professionals in the Islamic financial sector by providing on-the-job training and local universities offering bachelors, masters and doctorate degree programmes related to Islamic finance,” said Javed.

The Sultanate’s early entry into the Islamic financial services market has provided it with solid foundations to develop the industry. Experts suggest the sector should now shift its focus to exporting that expertise and consolidating a global role in sharia-compliant banking.

Dipetik dari - Oxford Business Group

Rasulullah Teladan Sepanjang Zaman

Assalamu'alaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh Bismillahir Rahmannir Rahim

Alhamdulillahi Rabbil'alameen, Wabihee Nasta'eenu 'Alaa Umuriddunyaa Waddeen, Wassalaatu Wassalaamu 'Alaa Asyrafil Mursaleen, Sayyidina Muhammadin, Wa'alaa Aalihee Wasahbihee Ajma'een, Waba'du.

ALHAMDULILLAH, beta bersyukur ke hadrat Allah Subhanahu Wata'ala, kerana dengan limpah rahmat-Nya dan izin-Nya jua, dapatlah kita meraikan lagi peristiwa agung, Maulidur Rasul, Sayidina Muhammad Sallallahu Alaihi Wasallam, iaitu sebaik-baik makhluk yang dicipta oleh Allah Subhanahu Wata'ala di muka bumi.

Marilah kita sama-sama memperbanyakkan 'selawat' ke atas Baginda, di samping menghayati dan mencontohi perjuangan Baginda dan para sahabat dalam menegakkan syiar Islam ke seluruh pelusuk dunia.

Kini sudah 14 abad berlalu, namun ajaran Nabi Muhammad Sallallahu Alaihi Wasallam masih saja terus hidup dan subur di jiwa orang-orang yang beriman, kerana apa yang disampaikan oleh Baginda itu adalah sesuatu yang tulen, asli dan benar, tidak bercampur dengan yang palsu walau sedikitpun, sebagaimana perkara ini diakui oleh Allah Subhanahu Wata'ala dalam Surah An-Najm ayat 2 hingga 3, tafsirnya : "Rakan kamu, (Nabi Muhammad yang kamu tuduh dengan pelbagai tuduhan itu) tidaklah dia menyeleweng (dari jalan yang benar) dan dia pula tidak sesat dan tidak memperkatakan (sesuatu yang berhubung dengan ugama Islam) menurut kemahuan dan pendapatnya sendiri."

Alhamdulillah, beta amat bersyukur, kerana kita di negara ini sudah sekian lama mengadakan Majlis Sambutan Maulidur Rasul dengan perisian berdikir di masjid-masjid yang diadakan selama 12 malam berturut-turut. Acara kemuncaknya pula ialah Perhimpunan dan Perarakan di seluruh negara dan pada malamnya Majlis Dikir di Istana Nurul Iman. Kemeriahan seperti ini sukar dilihat di tempat-tempat lain tetapi di negara ianya adalah sebagai satu kelaziman. Tidakkah ini satu ciri kebruneian yang unik, yang boleh dibanggakan?

Pada tahun ini, beta difahamkan bahawa tema sambutan Maulidur Rasul, Sayidina Muhammad Sallallahu Alaihi Wasallam ialah 'Rasulullah Teladan Sepanjang Zaman'. Ini bermakna, Baginda itu dari aspek apa pun adalah tetap relevan untuk menjadi teladan dalam semua zaman. Baginda adalah model yang sempurna, dalam semua peringkat kehidupan baik semasa kanak-kanak, remaja, dewasa dan peringkat tua. Kita tidaklah lagi perlu untuk menoleh kepada lain-lain model.

Oleh kerana itu, kita dengan spontan akan merasa amat tersentuh apabila imej Baginda yang unggul, murni dan luhur itu cuba dicemari oleh individu-individu yang jahat yang tidak bertanggungjawab. Umat Islam di seluruh dunia akan mengutuk sesiapa saja yang menghina Baginda.

Pada hemat beta, saluran terbaik untuk menyerapkan teladan yang berharga ialah melalui pendidikan ugama. Kerana itu perlaksanaan Perintah Pendidikan Ugama Wajib 2012 pada awal tahun 2013 ini adalah amat wajar dan perlu. Ia akan menjadi wadah untuk melahirkan generasi lebih berilmu, malah lebih berakhlak serta mampu untuk menghindarkan mereka dari gejala buruk sosial dan penyakit masyarakat yang membebankan negara.

Sebagaimana dimaklumi, pendidikan agama secara formal mungkin sahaja terbatas tempohnya, sedangkan yang diperlukan adalah pendidikan sepanjang hayat. Maka sebagai kesinambungan untuk tujuan ini, kita memerlukan institusi lain untuk menampungnya. Di dalam hubungan ini, beta melihat masjid adalah di antara wadah terpenting ke arah itu.

Kerana itulah dalam Rancangan Kemajuan Negara 2012-2017, kerajaan beta telah menyediakan peruntukan lebih dari 100 juta ringgit bagi pembangunan masjid-masjid baru di seluruh negara. Kita mengharapkan dengan pembinaan masjid-masjid ini, di samping akan menambahkan lagi kemudahan untuk beribadat, ia juga berperanan untuk menjadi pusat kegiatan ummah dan tidak terkecuali sebagai tempat pengembangan ilmu secara berterusan.

Sehubungan itu, sebagai pusat kegiatan bagi kebajikan dan tempat pengembangan ilmu, masjid-masjid juga jangan dilupakan merupakan syi'ar dan mercu tanda utama bagi negara ini. Selaku syi'ar dan mercu tanda, ia tidak boleh malap dan lemah. Bahkan tidaklah memadai setakat mendirikannya semata-mata tanpa mengambil kira reka bentuk yang sesuai selaku syi'ar.

Beta perhatikan, beberapa buah masjid yang baru dibuka baru-baru ini, reka bentuknya adalah kurang menonjol dan agak mengecewakan. Kita seolah-olah mahu dibawa balik semula kepada era 'reka bentuk standard' masjid-masjid kita, sehingga tidak menghiraukan tentang syiar.

Di sini suka beta mengingatkan supaya kita bersikap lebih maju dan meningkat, bukannya menurun ataupun berpatah balik ke belakang.

Allah telah mendatangkan Islam selaku agama yang tinggi. Lalu sehubungan itu, kita pun dituntut pula untuk meninggikan syiarnya setinggi yang mungkin. Jadi kalau masjid-masjid kita rakyat-rakyat atau menyamai bangunan biasa, di manakah syiar itu di sini?

Sekian, Wabillahit Taufeq Walhidayah Wassalamu 'alaikumWarahmatullahiWabarakatuh.

Philippines to bring South China Sea dispute with Beijing to tribunal

Manila fires shot across China's bows with move to bring both countries' conflicting claims on potentially oil-rich waters to UN

The Philippines has taken a legal step to counter China's claims to virtually the entire South China Sea, formally notifying Beijing that it is seeking international arbitration to declare Chinese moves in the potentially oil-rich waters "illegal and invalid".

The Filipino foreign secretary, Albert del Rosario, said at a news conference on Tuesday that the Chinese ambassador, Ma Keqing, had been handed a note notifying the Chinese government that Manila is bringing both countries' conflicting claims to an international tribunal.

The move is likely to bring an angry response from China, the Philippines' third-largest trading partner.

Several countries claim parts of the South China Sea, but China claims virtually all of it. It has confronted Filipino ships in a standoff over the Scarborough shoal, which both countries claim. The Philippines withdrew ships from the shoal last June and has since protested China's buildup.

There are fears that territorial conflicts in the region, including a dispute between Japan and China in the East China Sea, could spark Asia's next major armed conflict.

The Philippines hopes that arbitration through a tribunal operating under the 1982 United Nations convention on the law of the sea would lead to a decision that would direct China to respect its claims. But even if a tribunal ruled against China, Beijing could choose to simply ignore the ruling.

Del Rosario said the Philippines made the move after previous diplomatic efforts to resolve the territorial rifts failed.

"The Philippines has exhausted almost all political and diplomatic avenues for a peaceful negotiated settlement of its maritime disputes with China," he said. He added the Philippine government hoped that its legal move would "bring this dispute to a durable solution".

"We are all for improving our economic relations with China but it should not be at the expense of surrendering our national sovereignty," he said.

The Chinese foreign ministry in Beijing did not immediately comment, asking that questions be submitted by fax.

In the note handed to the Chinese ambassador, the Philippines listed several aggressive moves it alleged were launched by China in recent years to fortify its territorial claims, including the occupation of South China Sea islands and the enactment of a law to allow Chinese patrol vessels to block and board foreign ships passing through vast stretches of waters that Beijing claims.

Del Rosario said the Philippines' move was made independently of its ally the United States, which has called for a peaceful resolution of the claims and a guarantee that freedom of navigation would not be hindered.

Other countries clashing with China over South China Sea territory, including Vietnam, could benefit from Manila's action without risking possible Chinese retaliatory steps.

Dipetik dari - The Guardian

Thailand Calls for Regional Response to Rohingya Boat People

Ron Corben

Thousands of Muslim Rohingya fleeing sectarian violence in Burma’s Rakhine state have taken to the sea, ending up in Thailand, Malaysia and elsewhere. There are calls for a regional response to the humanitarian situation.

Hundreds of largely stateless Rohingya have been detained by authorities after landing on Thailand’s southern shores often aided by human trafficking gangs.

As more refugees arrived in recent weeks, there have also been accusations that the Thai military has been involved in detaining arriving boats and selling the passengers to human trafficking brokers who then transport them to Malaysia.

Senior Thai Foreign Ministry officials say they are investigating. In 2009 the Thai Navy faced charges of abandoning up to 1,000 Rohingya refugees at sea without engines and navigational aid as well as little food and water.

The latest charges came as the Thai Supreme Commander, General Tanasak Patimaprogorn, called on the international community to provide more assistance for the refugees.

Chris Lewa, an advocate for non-government group, the Arakan Project, says at least 13,000 people have fled parts of Burma’s western Arakan state in recent months.

“Rohingya people now have lost hope for a better future," Lewa said. "They could support some persecution before, but they kept their hope alive that something will improve in the future. The boat season we see this year examples of changes and one of them is that women and small children are leaving. That means entire families.”

In Thailand, more than 900 Rohingya are being detained after security forces raided known trafficking locations in Songkhla province.

Panitan Wattanayagorn, a political scientist from Chulalongkorn University, who met with refugee groups in Songkhla, expects more Rohingya to flee to Southeast Asia.

Panitan says the Thai government’s response has been in line with national security guidelines together with providing humanitarian aid. But, with the Rohingya’s stateless legal situation, he says a regional response is required.

“The initial response is according to the National Security Council guidelines, use humanitarian responses in terms of setting up the help for these people especially for the women and children," he explained. "But, of course, they will be repatriated back but the problem is to where? And the situation is much more dangerous for them. So actually we don’t know what to do with them. The international community especially the agency responsible for taking care of these people should come up with a better guideline.”

The International Committee for the Red Cross has been given access to the Rohingya and a interim agreement to allow the United Nations High Commission for Refugees access has also be agreed upon.

But a full response from the Thai government is still pending.

A Thai Foreign Ministry spokesman told VOA that senior government officials are meeting to formulate the Thai policy. But, the Thai Army remains opposed to plans to set up a semi permanent camp for the detained Rohingya.

Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch, says Thailand needs to work with regional countries and put pressure on Burma to grant citizenship to the Rohingya.

“Obviously we’re very hopeful that Thailand facing this large influx of boats will play a leadership role in galvanizing some other neighbors in ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations] who have been affected by the Rohingya boats - for instance Malaysia, Indonesia perhaps Brunei," Robertson said. "Put concerted pressure on Burma to recognize the Rohingya as citizens.”

In the past year, sectarian violence in Burma’s western Rakhine state between the largely Muslim Rohingya and Buddhist community has left up to 200 people dead with more than 100,000 people forced into temporary camps. United Nations says the total number displaced by the conflict is around 500,000.

Dipetik dari - Voice of America

More than 2,000 foreigners deported in 2012: JIPK

Ubaidillah Masli
BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN

MORE than 2,000 people were deported from Brunei last year as a result of operations by the Immigration and National Registration Department (JIPK) and other enforcement agencies in the country, the department said in a statement.

The announcement came after a joint raid by the department and the Royal Customs and Excise Department and Religious Enforcement Section managed to stop an alleged drug user from escaping on Sunday.

According to the JIPK, 98 operations, code-named Ops Tangkas, were conducted in 2012.

Some 48 operations were conducted with other enforcement agencies, but JIPK did not clarify whether these were part of the 98 operations.

A total of 1,688 cases were investigated last year, resulting in 85 people being charged with offences and 30 people caned.

Caning and jail terms are among the punishments for overstaying in Brunei without valid travel documents.

A total of 2,047 people were deported in 2012, while $427,500 was collected in compound fines and $58,500 in court fines.

Operations this year will fall under the code name Ops Sergah, referring to a "cordial but firm" approach to the operations.

In the latest Ops Sergah JIPK 03/2013, 43 personnel from the three enforcement agencies raided four separate residences and rented rooms in Mukim Pengkalan Batu and Mukim Kilanas during a three-hour operation on Sunday.

Apart from consolidating their efforts and information, the operations were aimed at ensuring that foreign nationals were in Brunei on valid immigration passes and that foreign couples living together were legally wed, and identifying locations that potentially harboured contraband.

During the Sunday inspection, a local man attempted to flee, but was later captured.

Utensils believed to be used for the consumption of Methylamphetamine were found and the Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB) was contacted.

Following urine tests, two other local men who were in the rental room at the time tested positive for consuming the drug. All three men were brought to the NCB.

Meanwhile, two male foreign nationals have been detained at the capital's police station after they failed to produce travel documents with valid immigration passes.

Eleven "special passes" were also issued to foreign nationals whose identity cards or passports were confiscated pending further investigation.

Three customs cases involving three foreign nationals in possession of an unspecified number of cigarrette packs that did not feature the Brunei-issued health warning were recorded.

A bow and arrows, deemed "dangerous weapons", were also confiscated since the foreign owner did not have a valid permit for them. These cases were still under investigation by the Royal Customs and Excise Department, the JIPK said.

"The Law Enforcement Section of the JIPK will continuously carry out enforcement activities, either on its own or in concert with other enforcement agencies," the department said in the statement.

"Towards these enforcement activities, this department urges the public to provide information relating to immigration offences.

"All information and the name of the informer will be kept fully confidential."

The department received some 326 tip-offs in 2012.

The public can contact JIPK's hotlines — 8753888 and 8734888.

Dipetik dari - The Brunei Times

Toward a code of conduct for the South China Sea

Brunei Darussalam reportedly wants to pursue a binding code of conduct (COC) in the South China Sea as a priority during its chairmanship of Asean this year. The new Asean secretary-general, former deputy foreign minister Le Luong Minh of Vietnam, said in his inaugural speech at the transfer-of-office ceremony at the Asean Secretariat on January 9 that "Asean should speed up efforts towards an early start to negotiations with China, with a view to achieving an early conclusion of a code of conduct on the South China Sea."

What can the Asean side do when China is not ready for any formal discussion on the drafting of a COC?

This is part two of a three-part article on this question.

While waiting for the transition of the Chinese leadership to take full effect, what can be done by the Asean side without complicating the situation? Perhaps the Philippines can convene a special meeting of Asean senior officials to listen to the exposition by Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam on their claims in disputed areas in the South China Sea

Late last year the Philippines invited senior officials of Brunei, Malaysia, Vietnam and China to a special meeting to discuss their respective South China Sea claims. Initially the meeting was scheduled in Manila for December 12, but China declined the invitation. Subsequently, the meeting was postponed indefinitely. If such a meeting is to take place, it should involve all Asean member states, so that they are all on the same page with the same common understanding of what the disputes are really about.

China cites historical rights to justify its "indisputable sovereignty" over all islands, rocks and other geological features behind the nine-dash line of its claimed maritime boundary in the South China Sea. China has chosen to leave the nine-dash line ambiguous (with no map coordinates), because the ambiguity gives greater room for manoeuvre.

International legal experts say the nine-dash line is unjustifiable under the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Neighbours who want to know more details of the Chinese claims will have to go to Beijing. China holds out the possibility of a bilateral dialogue with each of the other claimants in the South China Sea. But never any negotiation, because the Chinese sovereignty is "non-negotiable".

What then is the main basis behind the claims of Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam. The first three seem to base their claims chiefly on the UNCLOS, whereas Vietnam relies both on the UNCLOS and historical "rights", dating back to the French colonial administration, over both the Paracels and the Spratlys.

Therefore, for the sake of transparency, it will be useful if the four claimants in Asean can clarify where their claims are, why, and what they are claiming. Are the disputed islands capable of sustaining human habitation and economic life, and thus be entitled to exclusive economic zone (EEZ) status and other maritime rights under UNCLOS. Or they are rocks or low-tide elevations with lesser maritime rights.

Brunei's claims, for example, are modest and less controversial. The country claims only Louisa Reef and Rifleman Bank, both of them under water most of the time. They are also outside of the main group of Spratly islands, where Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam and China have overlapping claims in whole or in part, and where Taiwan's troops are holding Itu Aba or Taiping, which is the largest and the only island with its own natural source of fresh water.

Brunei's EEZ slightly overlaps with the joint Malaysian-Vietnamese claim of an extended continental shelf. This is not serious and can be settled in the UN Commission on the Limits of Continental Shelves, in accordance with the UNCLOS, or by consultations among the countries directly concerned.

The more serious overlapping claim is with China's nine-dash line, which comes to about 40-60 nautical miles off the shoreline of Brunei and all other coastal states in the South China Sea, including Indonesia. All the coastal states have questioned the legality of the Chinese use of the nine-dash line as China's maritime boundary, and have sought, but failed, to obtain definite official Chinese clarification. One exception was when Indonesia's then foreign minister Ali Alatas enquired in Beijing in 1995, because the nine-dash line appears to cut into Indonesia's EEZ off the Natuna Islands. His Chinese counterpart Qian Qichen reportedly assured him that China had no quarrel with Indonesia in the South China Sea. Indonesia has, since then, been exploiting the Natuna gas fields without any Chinese objection.

As the Asean chair in 2013, Brunei faces no serious domestic pressure from its tiny population of 300,000 to "do something" about the South China Sea disputes, unlike Vietnam (with its 90 million population), which chaired Asean in 2010. Brunei sees no urgent issues to warrant convening the customary "retreat" or informal meeting of Asean foreign ministers in the first quarter of this year. It did host a "retreat" of Asean senior officials at the Ulu Ulu resort in early January. However, there has been no big breaking news about the South China Sea from Brunei. This means Asean will be content with the status quo for the time being and wait until after the completion of the Chinese leadership transition.

In the meantime, one important event to watch is the Second Asean Defence Ministers Meeting (ADMM) Plus in Bandar Seri Begawan, scheduled on May 7. Asean defence ministers will first meet among themselves for the 7th ADMM on May 6; after that, they will meet their counterparts from eight dialogue partners: Australia, China, India, Japan, South Korea, New Zealand, Russia and the US. Some defence ministers might bring up South China Sea issues; then anything could happen.

Dipetik dari - The Nation

As Elections Near, Protesters in Jordan Increasingly Turn Anger Toward the King

AMMAN, Jordan — For two years, protests demanding reform here have seethed, fueled by complaints about corruption, incompetent governing and the slow pace of change. In November, deadly demonstrations against a cut in fuel subsidies spread throughout the country.

The widening anger has brought together longtime political opposition figures with those who were once a part of the monarchy’s loyal base. The focus of the protests has also started to broaden, from anger at corrupt officials to bolder expressions of dissatisfaction with King Abdullah II.

The vote comes as Jordan copes with a number of domestic challenges, including a crushing deficit and a flood of more than 200,000 Syrian refugees — the kinds of crises that have often derailed movements for reform.

However, while the opposition has often seemed more conservative in Jordan than elsewhere in the region — calling for reform rather than the overthrow of the government — it is has shown no sign of easing pressure on the king.

The disillusionment that has fueled the protests is concentrated in the southern city of Ma’an, known for uprisings and phosphate mines.

In the center of town this week, a group of men who had occupied a traffic circle to protest the region’s lack of jobs ate lunch in a tent. Some said they had worked as smugglers, but even that trade had dried up.

“We want to live,” proclaimed graffiti on a sculpture. Beyond it the charred remains of the governor’s residence was visible, set on fire during a recent protest.

The parliamentary campaign in Ma’an has focused on local issues — like winning the region its share of the spoils from the mines — and on the corruption that has become a rallying cry for dissent across the country.

“They don’t see anything from the precious mines,” said Abdul-Karim al-Bahri al-Muhameed, a former civil servant who is running with the support of his tribe. “The king is not serious about getting the money stolen by corruption,” he said.

He sat in the salon of a tribal leader, Sheik Adel al-Muhameed, a supporter of his candidacy who was boycotting the vote. “I don’t trust the Parliament,” he said.

During the last two years, the government had approached tribal leaders like him to try and stop the street protests, Mr. Muhameed said. “The government cannot handle it,” he said. The election, he added, “is a play.”

Citing a history of rigged elections in Jordan that have produced toothless legislatures, many government critics have dismissed Wednesday’s polling as a cosmetic and desperate effort by an absolute monarch to avoid handing over power. A few opposition groups, including the largest, the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, and the protest network known as Hirak are boycotting the vote.

“He doesn’t carry out of any of his promises,” said Nimer al-Assaf, the deputy general secretary of the Islamic Action Front, the Brotherhood’s political party. Mr. Assaf predicted that no more than 25 percent of registered voters would turn up at the polls. “People are rejecting the whole idea,” he said.

But other opposition groups are participating in the election, stirring new divides.

Other candidates, to be sure, have put aside their misgivings in the hope that freedom will gradually emerge.

“Democracy happens in degrees,” said Mohamed al-Hajouj, a Palestinian refugee who is running for Parliament, undeterred by gerrymandered districts that continue to underrepresent the country’s citizens of Palestinian origin, a majority.

Something had to be done, Mr. Hajouj reckoned, likening Jordan to a grenade ready to explode. The elections, he said, would keep it from blowing up.

Jordanian officials say that they have added a number of election safeguards to prevent what was seen as a process manipulated by the country’s powerful intelligence services and marred by vote-buying and other fraud.

International and local observers say they have been promised full access to polling stations. In recent days, the authorities have announced investigations into several prominent candidates, including former members of Parliament, on charges of bribery.

In a kind of position paper the king released last Wednesday, he offered his people a civics lesson, discussing the mores of active citizens — including writing letters to the editors of newspapers — and pleaded for compromise in the public discourse.

“To make democracy work,” the king wrote, “it is critical that we debate, discuss and vote on the basis of the positions put forward by the candidates on key issues facing our country, and not the basis of personalities or affinities related to geography or family.”

Among the king’s critics, the effort was ignored or dismissed as a public relations exercise for the benefit of allies like the United States that need to justify their support for him. The system criticized by the king was in fact perpetuated by him, his critics charged. And opposition leaders claimed they already had seen evidence of fraud.

Mr. Assaf, of the Islamic Action Front, said a former government official, whom he refused to name, had offered the party parliamentary seats in return for cooperation with the election. Leaders of another protest movement said intermediaries for the government had approached them with a similar offer.

In any case, the claims — along with accusations of staggering corruption and the cheap sale of public land — foster mistrust of Jordan’s rulers that seems unlikely to vanish with the election. The Brotherhood and leaders of Hirak vowed to keep pressing their claims in the streets after the vote.

At a campaign tent in the town of Shobak, near Ma’an, a former member of Parliament, Wasfi Rawashdeh, had come to support a candidate in Wednesday’s vote. A lawmaker with a reputation as principled and tough on corruption, Mr. Rawashdeh said that in his experience it was nearly impossible for the legislature — dominated by government loyalists, as it is and is likely to remain — to be effective.

“We made a difference, but not like we hoped,” he said. “There is pressure on the parliamentarians. No one likes me, from the king on down.”

Mr. Rawashdeh said that Jordan’s rulers still considered democracy an option, not a necessity — something “to show the world.” The king, he said, was not hearing the complaints in Ma’an and elsewhere. “He buys time,” he added, “and it’s not good for the country.”

Dipetik dari - NYTimes.com

'Quiet diplomacy' to defuse territorial row

Quratul-Ain Bandial
BRUNEI-MUARA

BRUNEI, the ASEAN Chair, must employ "quiet diplomacy" to defuse tensions over the South China Sea territorial dispute that could threaten the stability of the region, a leading expert on the issue said yesterday.

Tan Sri Dr Munir Majid, head of the Southeast Asia International Affairs Programme at the London School of Economics, said Brunei should solicit the support of ASEAN countries to prevent an escalation of tensions in the South China Sea.

"They need to impart the message that there should be no more grandstanding, no big announcements that will not help diffuse the tensions," he said in an interview at Universiti Brunei Darussalam.

Brunei has said pursuing a code of conduct (COC) - outlining conflict prevention measures - was its main priority for the 10-nation bloc in 2013.

ASEAN members Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei, as well as Taiwan, have claims to parts of the sea, one of the world's most important shipping lanes and which is believed to be rich in fossil fuels. But China claims sovereignty over more than 80 per cent of the sea, which has soured relations with the Philippines and Vietnam, both of which accuse China of becoming increasingly aggressive in staking its claim.

"At every ASEAN meeting (this year) there should be an ongoing message throughout to say let's work on the code of conduct to make sure things are calm so the possibility of escalation through miscalculation does not occur," Munir said.

Cambodia's 2012 ASEAN chairmanship was marked by sharp regional discord over the affair. As a close ally of China, it was accused of resisting efforts by the Philippines and Vietnam to adopt a more aggressive position against the Chinese.

In a bid to rescue failed diplomacy at the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' meeting last July, Indonesia floated a draft of the COC comprising conflict prevention and management measures, including an incident hotline should conflicts arise, to prevent situations from worsening.

"(Indonesian foreign minister) Marty Natalegawa described it best when he said (the COC represents) the rules of the road. If anything were to happen - a clash between a Chinese fisherman and a Filipino patrol boat - what do you do? You don't shoot."

Munir said that while it was unlikely there would be a simple solution to the sovereignty issues, ASEAN claimants and China could still cooperate on joint development of the disputed areas.

"Brunei needs to highlight to ASEAN members and China that a commitment to cooperate will benefit all," he said, adding that conflict would damage decades of friendly relations and economic cooperation, with East Asia poised to become the centre of the global economy.

"As a small country - although it is a disputant - it might be easier (for Brunei) to bring (parties) together. You have no hidden motives and you're not trying to play the big chap," Munir said.

"My fear is Brunei might feel it's too small and that they don't want to be too involved or antagonise unnecessarily."

Dipetik dari - The Brunei Times

World's best holiday destination for Muslims named

Malaysia has been rated the world's top Muslim-friendly holiday destination in a survey released Wednesday that listed Egypt, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Singapore as runners-up.

The study by Singapore-based Muslim travel consultancy Crescentrating ranked countries on how well they cater to the growing number of Muslim holidaymakers seeking halal -- or Islam-compliant -- food and services.

It used criteria including the level of safety in a country, the ease of access to halal food and prayer facilities, and whether hotels cater to the needs of Muslim guests.

On a scale of one to 10 in which 10 is the best score, Malaysia came out number one with a grade of 8.3 among 50 nations surveyed.

Egypt was in second place with 6.7, followed by the United Arab Emirates and Turkey both with 6.6. Saudi Arabia was in fourth place with a score of 6.4 and Singapore was fifth with 6.3.

Indonesia, Morocco and Jordan scored 6.1 to tie in sixth place, trailed by seventh-place Brunei, Qatar, Tunisia and Oman, all with a score of 6.0.

Crescentrating chief executive Fazal Bahardeen said the survey was taken from the point of view of the traveller, meaning that it measured the ease of access by Muslim tourists -- not locals -- to halal food and facilities.

"Malaysia is one of the few countries where you can find a prayer place in almost every location -- be it a shopping mall or the airport," Fazal told AFP.

He said that while Malaysian authorities have been focusing on the market for several years, Indonesia -- the world's most populous Muslim nation -- has not done as well.

"The main problem for Indonesia is that it's not straightforward for a Muslim visitor to find halal food availability. For locals it's probably not an issue."

Saudi Arabia figured as a holiday destination for the first time since the survey started in 2011 because more Muslims use their holidays to go there to perform the Umrah, a minor pilgrimage, Fazal said.

In terms of cities as a shopping destination, Dubai pipped Kuala Lumpur for the number-one spot, according to the survey which rated the presence of halal food and prayer facilities at shopping malls.

Istanbul, Jeddah, Singapore, Cairo, Abu Dhabi, New Delhi, London and Doha completed the top-10 shopping destinations.

Thailand's Suvarnabhumi Airport and the Kuala Lumpur International Airport were rated among the friendliest to Muslim travellers.

Spending by Muslim tourists is growing faster than the global rate and is forecast to reach $US192 billion ($A181 billion) a year by 2020, up from $US126 billion ($A119 billion) in 2011, according to a study by Crescentrating and another company released last year.

Dipetik dari - Sydney Morning Herald

Brunei fares well in regional survey

BRUNEI Darussalam fared better in terms of political stability after Singapore and came in third behind Singapore and Thailand in infrastructure and quality of life in Asean.

This was revealed by the Public Policy for the Asean Affairs Research Centre at Abac Poll of Assumption University Thailand who interviewed expatriates travelling to countries in the region.

The survey compared Asean states in terms of attractiveness as an investment destination this year. A total of 958 expatriates were questioned from December 10, 2012 to January 8, 2013. They had a certain level of understanding on the situations in at least five Asean member nations.

When questioned on countries that enjoyed political stability, 27.3 per cent said Singapore while Brunei took second place with 18.4 per cent. On the issue of infrastructure quality, Singapore topped the list with 37.7 per cent followed by Thailand (20 per cent) and Brunei (11.8 per cent).

Singapore also topped the survey in providing a good quality of life for its people with 30.6 per cent followed by Thailand (19.9 per cent) and Brunei (11.4 per cent).

However, Brunei does not fare well in terms of convenience in accessing various necessities and raw materials for investment. Thailand led the survey in this field supported by 24.4 per cent of the respondents, said Puntrik Issarangkul Na Ayutthaya, the research centre’s Assistant Director. Indonesia came in second, with 14.1 per cent followed by Myanmar (10.2 per cent), Vietnam (10.1 per cent), the Philippines (9.5 per cent), Cambodia (7.9 per cent), Malaysia (7.0 per cent), Laos (6.6 per cent), Singapore (5.8 per cent) and Brunei (4.4 per cent).

Dipetik dari - Borneo Bulletin

Mesin pemprosesan padi baru tingkatkan pengeluaran beras tempatan

Zawiyatun Ni'mah Mohd. Akir

MUKIM PENGKALAN BATU, Sabtu, 12 Januari. - Dalam sedikit masa lagi para pengusaha tanaman padi di Kampung Wasan berupaya memproses 3.5 tan metrik padi sejam apabila Bangunan Kilang Padi Wasan yang menempatkan mesin pemprosesan padi siap dibekalkan pada penghujung tahun 2013 nanti.

Pembinaan bangunan kilang tersebut merupakan usaha positif kerajaan ke arah meningkatkan usaha sara diri pengeluaran beras tempatan.

Sehubungan dengan itu Majlis Peletakan Batu Asas bagi Bangunan Kilang Padi dan Stor Padi Wasan disempurnakan oleh Menteri Perindustrian dan Sumber-Sumber Utama, Yang Berhormat Pehin Orang Kaya Seri Utama Dato Seri Setia Awang Haji Yahya bin Begawan Mudim Dato Paduka Haji Bakar yang berlangsung di Tapak Kilang Padi, Wasan, Jalan Limau Manis, di sini.

Bagi menampung jumlah pengeluaran padi domestik yang semakin meningkat sejak program 'Ke Arah Sara Diri Dalam Pengeluaran Beras Negara Brunei Darussalam' pada tahun 2008 telah memberi peluang kepada pihak Kementerian Perindustrian dan Sumber-Sumber Utama (KPSSU) melalui Jabatan Pertanian dan Agrimakanan (JPA) untuk mengorak langkah membuat perancangan-perancangan yang bersesuaian.

Pada 26 November 2012, JPA telah pun melantik sebuah syarikat tempatan bagi melaksanakan kerja-kerja pembinaan bangunan kilang padi berkenaan dengan mengambil masa selama enam bulan dan dijangka siap pada penghujung bulan Mei.

Bangunan ini dibina dan diubahsuai bagi menempatkan sebahagian daripada komponen mesin pemprosesan padi baru yang berkapasiti 3.5 tan metrik sejam yang mana kontrak pembeliannya telah ditandatangani pada 30 Ogos 2012 di antara JPA dengan Satake Corporation, Jepun.

Kontrak pembekalan mesin pemprosesan padi baru itu bernilai USD3,916,110 merangkumi pembelian, pembekalan dan pemasangan mesin pemprosesan padi berkenaan termasuk juga melaksanakan keperluan latihan bagi pegawai dan kakitangan jabatan dalam pengendalian mesin tersebut.

Pegawai dan kakitangan jabatan yang terlibat secara langsung dalam pengendalian mesin ini akan menjalani latihan asas selama dua minggu di Thailand dan latihan pengendalian selama enam bulan lagi apabila mesin tersebut telah siap dipasang yang mana akan diadakan di Negara Brunei Darussalam dan akan dikendalikan oleh syarikat pembekal yang mana pembekalan dan pemasangan mesin itu dijangka akan siap pada penghujung tahun 2013.

Di samping itu, dengan adanya mesin pemprosesan baru yang lebih berteknologi tinggi diharap pengisaran padi akan dapat dilaksanakan dengan lebih cepat dan efisien untuk memenuhi permintaan pasaran tempatan serta membantu mengawal kualiti selepas menuai beras.

Sementara itu, JPA mempunyai sebuah kilang memproses padi yang lama dan beberapa buah mesin pengisar padi kecil yang kesemuanya hanya mampu memproses padi satu metrik tan sejam.

Manakala projek membina dua buah blok stor padi telah mula dilaksanakan pada 13 November 2012 yang akan mengambil masa selama lapan bulan dan dijangka akan siap pada pertengahan bulan Julai 2013.

Dua buah blok stor padi berkenaan boleh menampung 1,000 tan metrik padi yang akan dilengkapi dengan kemudahan asas dan pengudaraan yang bersistematik bagi mengawal keadaan suhu, kelembapan dan oksigen di dalam bangunan untuk mengekalkan kebersihan dan mutu padi sebelum diproses.

Reka bentuk bangunan stor ini mengutamakan perlindungan supaya binatang-binatang perosak padi tidak masuk seperti tikus dan burung pipit yang merupakan musuh tradisi padi yang perlu diberi lebih perhatian.

Dengan adanya bangunan stor padi yang baru ini akan dapat meningkatkan kemudahan tempat penyimpanan hasil-hasil padi dan akan membantu mengurangkan dan mengelakkan kerosakan dan pembaziran yang mana penyimpanan dilakukan dengan kaedah yang lebih teratur dan bersistematik.

Pada masa ini, JPA mempunyai lapan buah stor padi berkapasiti sederhana di Daerah Brunei dan Muara, sebuah di Daerah Temburong dan sebuah di Daerah Belait dengan anggaran kapasiti kesemuanya adalah 2,000 tan metrik padi.

Dipetik dari - Pelita Brunei

Brunei Darussalam: Year in Review 2012

While overall growth in Brunei Darussalam’s economy slowed in 2012, expansion in the non-oil and gas sector suggested that some of the Sultanate’s diversification efforts are gaining traction and should pave the way for government plans to target value-added production.

The Department of Economic Planning and Development (JPKE) announced in December that GDP growth contracted to 1.6% in 2012, down from 2.2% the previous year. Slower growth, the JPKE said, was due to a drop in oil and gas output, together with a fall in liquefied natural gas (LNG) production.

In October, the Asian Development Bank and the IMF both revised their growth projections for the Sultanate down to 1.5% and 2.7%, respectively, based on lower output of resources.

However, non-oil and gas sector growth rose by 4% in 2012, the JPKE said, driven mainly by expansion in government services, the wholesale and retail trade, business services and water transport.

In March, the Legislative Council approved a $5.2bn budget prioritising improved human resources and government services, in line with the country’s aim of further diversifying its economy. The budget allocated $874m to the Ministry of Finance, while channelling $731m to the Ministry of Education, $593m to the Prime Minister's Office and $347m to the Ministry of Health.

As part of its efforts to encourage growth in the non-oil sector, Brunei Darussalam began rolling out key education and business development initiatives aimed at driving growth in creative industries. Targeted segments include software development firms and related small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).

The drive to encourage innovation has also generated projects such as the Brunei Agro-Technology Park, which, when completed in 2015, is expected to act as a “one-stop shop” for investment in fields such as halal food production.

However, while the government is pushing ahead with its diversification plans, some critics are calling for equal efforts to be given to nurturing growth in value-added production and downstream processing across the sectors, including energy and manufacturing.

The government will be looking to a planned $2.5bn oil refinery and aromatics cracker at Pulau Muara Besar to generate a broader role for the sector in economic expansion. The refinery, which will be constructed by Chinese firm Zhejiang Hengyi Group, will have a production capacity of approximately 135,000 barrels per day (bpd). Six downstream petrochemicals plants, with an aggregate investment of $2.8bn, are also set to be built at the Sungai Liang Industrial Park.

Alongside its refinery development, Brunei Darussalam also witnessed significant infrastructure improvements in 2012, including a major expansion under way at Brunei International Airport which is expected to be complete by November 2014, and a planned upgrade of Pulau Muara Besar port.

In addition, the government allocated BN$1.5bn ($1.23bn) for housing projects, including the Landless Indigenous Citizens Housing Scheme and the National Housing Scheme, which will provide 17,500 low-cost homes by 2014. With food security a major issue, the Sultanate moved closer in 2012 to achieving its target of 60% food self sufficiency by 2015 by introducing high-tech farming initiatives and entering into agribusiness deals with neighbours, including Malaysia’s Sarawak and Sabah.

Figures released by the Department of Agriculture and Agrifood in November revealed that gross production for agriculture and agrifood grew to a value of $240.96m in 2011, up from $228.43m in 2010.

While domestic demand was up in 2012, the Sultanate’s inflation and consumer costs were kept in check, with the JPKE noting a year-on-year (y-o-y) increase in personal consumption expenditure of 4% in the second quarter and a 25.6% rise in imports of goods and services. The Asian Development Bank said in its Asian Development Outlook, published in October, that the country’s price controls and subsidies should keep inflation in the 1-2% range.

Buoyed by the Sultanate’s four-place rise to 79 in the World Bank’s Doing Business 2013 survey, which was attributed to significant improvements in the approval process for construction permits, the government stepped up efforts in 2012 to increase the country’s appeal to foreign investors.

Efforts were led by the Brunei Economic Development Board (BEDB), which identified several industry clusters with significant potential in the export-oriented manufacturing and services sectors. In a further investment boost, the county ranked 22nd out of 185 economies for ease in paying taxes, according to the “Paying Taxes 2013” report released in December by PricewaterhouseCoopers and the International Finance Corporation. Brunei Darussalam also performed well in “time taken for compliance”, registering 96 hours, which was less than half the regional and global averages of 231 and 267 hours, respectively.

While the Sultanate’s drop in oil and gas output this year is expected to be reversed in 2013, it served to highlight the need for the country to intensify its diversification and innovation efforts. A more broad-based economy is expected to further strengthen the country’s role as a regional player, shoring up its other attractions, which include legal and political stability.

Dipetik dari - Oxford Business Group

Why freedom is a war-cry in Kashmir

By Syed Zafar Mehdi

The December 17, 2012, ruthless assault and gang rape of a 23-year-old college-going girl on a moving bus in New Delhi shook the nation. Irate protesters, mostly youths, poured out on the streets the next day. As the victim battled for her life on a hospital bed, people across India protested and prayed simultaneously. She was air-lifted to Singapore for advanced treatment and finally succumbed to her injuries there after 13 days.

Young protesters in Delhi had to face the wrath of police as they marched on heavily fortified Raisina Hill, the president's official residence. Tear-gas, water cannons and lathis (cane batons) were employed against the enraged mob of protesters who were demanding death for the accused and more stringent laws to deal with rapists.

The degree of outrage against the rape is heartening. However, this was not an isolated case, and certainly not the first time such a gruesome incident has taken place. It has brought back the haunting memories of Kunan Poshpora, a small hamlet in North Kashmir, where at least 53 women were gang-raped on February 23, 1991, by Indian security forces. Two decades on, there has been no action against the accused cops from the Fourth Rajputana Rifles.

A double rape and murder case in 2009 also comes to mind. There, two young women, Aasiya and Neelofar, were abducted, gang-raped and murdered in mysterious circumstances on the intervening night of May 29 and 30, 2009, at Bongam, Shopian in North Kashmir. Locals accused personnel from India's Central Reserve Police Force of the crime, but the case was carefully shelved to avoid embarrassment for the security forces.

Crimes, perpetrators and inaction

On December 6, 2012, the International Peoples' Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered Kashmir (IPTK) released a report -"Alleged Perpetrators - Stories of Impunity in Jammu and Kashmir". The report, a painstaking research work of two years, used data from official state documents and witness testimonies, examined 214 cases of gross human-rights abuses and the role of 500 alleged perpetrators.

Among the 500 perpetrators were 235 army personnel, 123 paramilitary personnel, 111 Jammu and Kashmir Police personnel and 31 government-backed associates. The list of alleged perpetrators included many heavyweights, including two major generals, three brigadiers, nine colonels, three lieutenant colonels, 78 majors and 25 captains. The list also included 37 senior officials of the federal paramilitary forces, a retired director general of the Jammu and Kashmir Police, and a serving inspector general.

"Cases presented in this report reveal that there is a policy to not genuinely investigate or prosecute the armed forces for human-rights violations," said a press handout by the IPTK.

Taking serious cognizance of the report, Amnesty International called for an "impartial probe into the allegations of human-rights violations made in a report". The Asian Federation Against Enforced Disappearances said the study "clearly points to a high level of command decision, given the involvement of top ranking officers of the Indian Army, the highest of them a Major General. If used to the full, it will go a long way towards the unveiling of the truth, the prosecution of perpetrators, reparation for victims and the non-repetition of human-rights violations in this paradise lost".

However, the findings of report, notwithstanding their gravity and seriousness, have gone largely unnoticed in mainstream Indian media.

A state of perpetual denial

A sense of alienation between the people of Kashmir and India has reached its climax. However, people in New Delhi and other cities in India still have one prickly question on their mind which occasionally brings out their patriotic outrage against anything they perceive as "anti-national" and dangerous to the "sovereignty" of India. That is the question of "azadi" or "freedom".

For people in India, the definition of azadi still appears hazy. "What do Kashmiris want?" asks a journalist friend of mine from South Delhi. "Azadi," I tell him. He appears bemused, almost fuming. "But what does azadi mean to you. Aren't you free already," he asks with a puckered brow. "If living under the specter of terror and breathing through the barrel of Kalashnikovs is what you call azadi, then we are more azad [free] than you," I retort. He retreats, with exasperated looks.

Azadi is not a strange beast or a hydra-headed monster. It means people demanding their basic and fundamental right to lead a dignified life. It means breaking free from the specter of repressive laws which provide police and armed forces with extraordinary powers. Azadi means justice for the 100,000 Kashmiris killed in last two decades of conflict. It means justice for the 7,000-odd custodial killings, and the 3,700 people who have vanished under mysterious circumstances in past two decades.

Kashmir happens to be the most militarized zone in world, more than Iraq and Afghanistan. The struggle for the right to self-determination has a long history because Kashmir has always been ruled by "outsiders".

Massacres and a culture of impunity

The people of India need to be reminded of prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru's 1947 promise at Lalchowk Srinagar, where he spoke to a large gathering accompanied by his friend Shiekh Abdullah. They should be reminded about the umpteen United Nations resolutions on Kashmir and how successive regimes in New Delhi made a mockery of them.

Speaking of killings, massacres, carnage; they need to be told about the Gaw Kadal Massacre on January 20, 1990, when Indian police opened on Kashmiri protesters, killing an estimated 200. Author Victoria Schofield in her book Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War calls it the "worst massacre in Kashmiri history". This massacre took place just a day after New Delhi sent Jagmohan as governor to Kashmir.

The Chhatisingpora massacre that took place on March 20, 2000, is another blot on India's history. Around 15 armed personnel entered the village of Chattisinghpora in Anantnag district, lined up 34 men and boys belonging to Sikh community in an open field and mowed them down in cold blood. This happened on the eve of the then US president Bill Clinton's visit to India. No army personnel were prosecuted in the case.

Five days after the Chattisinghpora massacre, a battalion of Indian troopers gunned down seven men in Pathribal village of Anantnag district, dubbing them as "foreign militants" responsible for Chhatisingpora. Last year on March 19, the Indian Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) said that those officers taking part in the Pathribal killings, "were cold-blooded murders and deserve to be meted out exemplary punishment".

The Zakoora massacre occurred on March 1, 1990, when thousands of protestors decided to approach a United Nations Military Observer Group office in Srinagar, next to the chief minister's Gupkar Road residence, to protest against the policies of governor Jagmohan. Army bullets left 26 dead.

The Tengpora massacre took place on the same day, when 21 more Kashmiri people, totally unarmed, were killed by the Indian army at a bus stop in Tengpora, Srinagar. The dead included five women. There is also the Handwara Massacre, when nine civilians were shot dead by border security forces on January 25, 1990, in frontier district of Handwara. The list goes on.

The new 'intafada'

The years 2009 to 2010 brought back memories of the 1990s when the resistance movement was at its peak. Many people were killed, most of them innocents. A 45-year old physically challenged man, Abdul Rashid Reshi, was shot dead on January 7, 2009, near CM's high-security bungalow in Srinagar. A 17-year old Amina fell to bullets on May 12, 2009, in an "exchange of fire". Neelofar (24) and Asiya Jan (17) of Shopian were raped and murdered on May 29, 2009. Final-year student Amina Masoodi of Doolipora Trahgam was killed inside her house during the night intervening of July 8 and 9, 2009.

Inayat (16) was shot dead on January 08, 2009, followed by Wamiq (13) on January 31 and Zahid (16) on February 5. Habibullah Khan of Handwara, a beggar, was mowed down on April 13 and passed off as "veteran militant". Shehzad Ahmed and Riyaz Ahmed of Rafiabad were mowed down in a fake encounter in Machil and dubbed as "militants".

Tufail Ahmad (17), whose death gave fresh impetus to the spirit of rebellion among Kashmiris, was killed while returning from lessons on June 11, 2010. Asif Ahmed Rather, a nine-year-old from Baramulla was literally bludgeoned to death. Mukhtar Ahmad Sheikh, 68, a father of five children, including three daughters was shot dead by the army's 21 Rashtriya Rifles in the Bawan Watser forest area. The army said the man was killed in an encounter between militants and the army.

These were followed by even more brutal killings of Ishtiyaq Ahmed Khanday (15) on June 29, 2010, Shajat-ul-Islam (18) on same day, and Muzaffar Bhat (17) and Abrar Ahmad (18) on July 6. An 11-year-old Irshad Parray, of Islamabad, fell to fire by police while protesting against the earlier incident of women being beaten by police and the CRPF. One injured boy died on his mother's lap near Batamallo bus stand during curfew on August 2010. There were more than 150 killings, mostly teenagers, in 2009-10 alone.

Vanished into thin air?

Nazima Jan of Tathmulla Uri in Baramulla district has been waiting for her "missing" three brothers for 15 years. She, along with the kith and kin of other missing persons, gather in Partap Park Srinagar on the 10th and 28th day of every month to register their protest against enforced custodial disappearances in Kashmir. They have formed the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP).

A 48-page report "Half Widow, Half Wife" by the APDP speaks about the conundrum of "missing versus disappeared". It says the fact that men have disappeared and not been declared dead has left thousands of children and women (half-widows) in a hopeless state with no legal protection.

Activists claim that close to 8,000 people have gone missing in the region over the past 20 years. The IPTK in Kashmir in its report released in December 2009 revealed 2,700 unmarked graves containing more than 2,900 bodies in more than 50 villages in northern Kashmir. Due to operational constraints, the research was confined to few select villages so they suspect the number could be much higher. In August 2011, the 11-member police investigation team of the State Human Rights Commission (SHRC) verified 2,156 unidentified bodies in unidentified graves in Bandipora, Baramulla, Kupwara, and Handwara districts.

Arrested, persecuted and released

The tales of horror do not stop in Kashmir. Many Kashmiris have faced the music in different states of India. There have been many instances where Kashmiri journalists, academics, artists and students have been abused, vilified, and targeted by state and its agencies outside Kashmir.

Syed Maqbool Shah (32) was aged 17 when he was arrested by Delhi Police on 17 June, 1996, in Lajpat Nagar. He was holidaying in Delhi when he was arrested in connection with the Lajpat Nagar bombings of 21 May, 1996. He was sent to Tihar Jail, and released on 8 April, 2010, after almost 14 years, due to "lack of sufficient evidence".

Mirza Iftikhar Hussain (40) used to run a Kashmiri handicrafts shop in Mussoorie (UP), and had come to Delhi when he was arrested in Bhogal on 14 June 1996. He was also accused of involvement in the 21 May, 1996, Lajpat Nagar blasts. He was set free on April 08, 2010, after 13 years, 10 months and 25 days, again for want of foolproof evidence.

Shakeel Ahmad Khan had a government job in Srinagar. He had come to Delhi when he was arrested on 24 April, 1992, in Lajpat Nagar for allegedly plotting to kill Bharatiya Janata Party politicians. He was released in August 2002 after serving almost 10 years behind bars, again for lack of evidence.

Delhi University Professor SAR Geelani was arrested in the 2001 parliament attack case and was later acquitted after some human rights activists took up his case. There are still more questions than answers in the case of Afzal Guru, who has been sentenced to death in the parliament attack case, to satisfy the "collective conscience of the society". What makes the "death sentence" gross and disproportionate, according to legal experts, is the fact that Guru's case is riddled with many loopholes and he was not defended properly at the trail court.

The case of Kashmiri journalist Iftikhar Gilani is most peculiar. He was arrested in June 2002 for allegedly "violating" the Indian Official Secrets Act 1923. He was accused of being a Pakistani spy after police found some "documents" in his possession which otherwise are freely available on the Internet. He spent nine months behind bars and was finally acquitted for lack of evidence.

Conclusion

Life in Kashmir remains crippled. The political leadership has failed and the economy is in tatters. No matter what the tourism ministry says, normalcy seems like a far-fetched dream. The fate of the strife-torn state hangs in balance. As the youth on streets would tell you, it is no more about the political or economic packages, half-hearted pronouncements, or cosmetic confidence-building measures.

The resounding war-cry on the streets of Kashmir is "azadi" - complete freedom from the specter of oppression, repression, humiliation, and occupation.

Dipetik dari - Asia Times Online

To Heal Divisions, Brunei Must Take Proactive Role in ASEAN Disputes

By Richard Javad Heydarian

After a year of intense diplomatic brinkmanship over the management of maritime disputes in the South China Sea, Cambodia passed the rotating chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to the tiny kingdom of Brunei on Jan. 1.

Recent years have witnessed a dramatic escalation in territorial disputes between China, on one hand, and a number of Southeast Asian nations such as the Philippines and Vietnam on the other. However, the past year in particular marked a major deterioration in regional relations, due in no small part to the failure of ASEAN, under Cambodia’s watch, to adopt a coherent and effective diplomatic solution, be it in the form of a legally binding regional maritime code of conduct or simply a credible modus vivendi among disputing states.

As a result, many are beginning to wonder whether Brunei, known for its low-key diplomatic style, can muster enough political will to, first, steer a unified regional approach and, second, build on diplomatic advances made during the ASEAN chairmanships of Vietnam in 2010 and Indonesia in 2011, which set the contours of a code of conduct and censured China, a nonmember, over its aggressive maneuvering. Overall, there are still reasons to expect a relatively more constructive and decisive ASEAN leadership this year.

Last year, Beijing further stepped up its paramilitary activities in the South China Sea and coaxed its Southeast Asian ally, Cambodia, to quash any form of regional unity regarding the disputes, while the Philippines and Vietnam intensified their pressure on China by deepening strategic-military cooperation with the U.S. and vigorously internationalizing the disputes. As a result, the region splintered along divergent strategic alignments, calling into question ASEAN’s self-described “centrality” as the engine of regional integration and stability.

The situation further deteriorated when China, under its recently installed new leadership, issued a new passport bearing a watermark map portraying all the disputed areas in the region as Chinese territory and announced potentially destabilizing maritime regulations in the disputed waters. Meanwhile, the Philippines and Vietnam solicited wider diplomatic and strategic assistance from sympathetic Pacific powers, such as the U.S., India, Australia and Japan.

Clearly the region can’t afford the current pattern of spiraling escalation to continue in one of the world’s most important sea routes. Nor can it allow the glaring strategic fault lines to widen, especially with ASEAN, among the world’s most dynamic regional markets, set to form an Economic Community by 2015 and hoping to play a pivotal role in actualizing a Comprehensive Economic Partnership in East Asia in upcoming years. This means that there is tremendous pressure on Brunei to revitalize intra-ASEAN cooperation and return the territorial disputes to the center of the group’s agenda.

In particular, Brunei will be pressured by other members to play a more proactive role and abandon its tradition of neutrality. In contrast to some other ASEAN members (.pdf), Brunei has neither contested China’s territorial claims, nor has it questioned Beijing’s notorious nine-dash line doctrine laying them out. Brunei has, at least officially, also shied away from claiming sovereignty over the two South China Sea features that fall within its 200-nautical-mile exclusive economic zone, the Louisa Reef and the Rifleman Bank.

Like Cambodia, hydrocarbon-rich Brunei is experiencing growing interdependence with Beijing in key strategic and economic areas. Major Chinese companies, including Sinopec Engineering, the Zhejiang Henyi Group and the Chinese National Offshore Oil Corp. are involved in big-ticket downstream, refinery and exploration projects in Brunei. China’s involvement in these areas is particularly important, as hydrocarbon exports account for almost 70 percent of Brunei’s GDP, 94 percent of government revenues and 96 percent of total exports.

Moreover, the island state’s ruling monarchy is heavily reliant on petrodollars to prop up its security apparatus and appease its population through generous subsidies and welfare schemes. Not only is China among the largest customers of Brunei’s hydrocarbon exports, but China’s vast consumer markets also represent a major opportunity for Brunei to diversify its economy and unshackle scores of Bruneian small and medium enterprises from the constraints of a tiny domestic market.

Brunei, like Cambodia, is also one of the less influential and newer ASEAN members, in contrast to the longstanding members that have diligently fought for ASEAN centrality over many decades. Therefore, there are doubts as to Brunei’s willingness and strategic maturity to steer the region amid rising territorial tensions. Brunei is already under growing pressure from regional heavyweights such as Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia to patch up ASEAN’s differences, even as the ascent of former Vietnamese Deputy Foreign Minister Le Luong Minh to the helm of ASEAN as secretary-general could signal a more robust regional response to China’s assertiveness.

Nonetheless, in contrast to Cambodia, Brunei is a direct party to the ongoing disputes in the South China Sea and has a considerable stake in ensuring maritime security in its surrounding waters. Flush with petrodollars and benefiting from a diverse set of external partners, the Bruneian leadership -- known for its history of astute diplomacy -- could also see its chairmanship role as the perfect opportunity to elevate its international profile and project the image of a stable and strong kingdom. Therefore, although the tiny monarchy would prefer to avoid undermining flourishing ties with Beijing, it has vowed to back Indonesia’s so-called Six-Point Principles initiative, which calls for a peaceful, diplomatic settlement of disputes and the development of a binding regional maritime code of conduct.

Despite Brunei’s preference for low-profile diplomacy and its burgeoning energy ties with China, the prosperous kingdom seems to have realized the urgency of more decisively resolving the ongoing disputes and projecting itself as a reliable and responsible regional leader.

Dipetik dari - World Politics Review

Will Jordan Be the First Arab Monarchy to Fall?

Two years into the so-called "Arab Spring," the tally is grim for Middle East republics. To date, three nominally republican governments have been toppled, and a fourth -- Syria -- promises to follow in 2013. Despite longstanding governance problems and human rights abuses, the Arab monarchies have largely been spared from the popular revolts that dislodged their autocratic neighbors. Until now this monarchy "red line" has served U.S. interests. After all, Washington would benefit little from a cascade of friendly kingdoms and emirates falling like dominos only to be replaced by inimical Islamist regimes.

But the monarchy red line will not last forever, and Washington will face a series of new strategic challenges when and if this threshold is crossed. The end of the monarchy in Jordan would constitute a particularly serious blow to U.S. interests. Should the regime fall, Washington would lose its best remaining Arab ally, and Israel would lose its last reliable peace partner.

Historically, the regime has been able to weather popular discontent by relying on the support of East Bankers - Jordanians who inhabited the area before the arrival of the first Palestinian refugees in 1948, and who have stood by the Hashemite regime out of fear that a revolution could bring to power the Palestinian-origin majority. But for the past two years, the kingdom has been contending with persistent protests focused on the sluggish economy and corruption - an issue that may, for the first time, unite East Bankers with Palestinian-origin protesters. While Jordan's perennially feeble economy will take some time to improve, in order to ensure the long-term survival of the monarchy, Washington should encourage King Abdullah to take bold steps now to root out the corruption and insulate his regime.

Transparency International ranks Jordan 58 out of 176 countries on its annual "Corruption Perception Index," among the best scores in the Middle East. Still, corruption is a hot button issue in Jordan, a topic that resonates with both the monarchy's traditional tribal supporters and Islamist detractors. In Jordan, a small state where gossip travels quickly and where internet penetration is high, reports of graft and of palace excess have been become ubiquitous over the last decade.

Ask Jordanians about corruption and they will lament the absence of transparency in the near-sales of government lands -- the Amman headquarters of the Jordanian Armed Forces and the King Hussein Medical Center, for example -- and the non-competitive privatization process of the national phosphate industry. They will complain about a lack of accountability for the enormous financial penalty associated with the signing and subsequent cancellation of a government concession to establish a casino on the shores of the Dead Sea. You might even hear about Khaled Shaheen, a convicted businessman serving three years in prison for graft, who inexplicably was permitted to leave Jordan for extended medical treatment in the U.S. -- until he was subsequently observed shopping with his family at Harrod's in London.

The list of corruption allegations linked to senior decision-makers in Amman is long. But more offensive -- and more problematic to the king -- is a growing perception that the degeneracy reaches the palace. The problem started shortly after Abdullah took the throne, when he was accused by some Jordanians of illegally appropriating "tribal" lands. The perception has grown since then. Consider that in 2011 -- in the wake of her highly publicized and extravagant 40th birthday party -- leaders of 36 tribes in Jordan wrote a public letter criticizing Queen Rania's corruption. More recently, the Jordanian internet publication Jo24.net highlighted the delivery of King Abdallah's new stretch Airbus 330, an executive jet with a purported cost of $440 million. And the list goes on.

Alas, Jordanians are a patient bunch, but the Arab awakening has been toxic to the kingdom's long-anemic economy. Facing a nearly 30 percent budget deficit this year, in November 2012 the government announced that in line with its International Monetary Fund obligations, it would slash food and energy subsidies. The austerity decision, exacerbated by perceived palace excesses, prompted some to call for a "revolution."

To be sure, while protests in the kingdom -- demanding economic relief, more subsidies, political liberalization, and an end to corruption -- have been routine and persistent since early 2011, the demonstrations have not come close to reaching critical mass. At least initially, King Abdullah was able to diffuse rallies via a combination of deficit spending and a process of limited but serious constitutional reform. It also seems that fear of chaos a la Syria demobilized many would-be Jordanian protestors. The king has likewise contained the opposition through other forms of non-lethal pressure, including a sustained campaign of arrests.

But the trend line is not assuring. Most troubling, over the past 18 months a persistent opposition coalition has emerged that includes not only the monarchy's enduring Islamist detractors, but also a growing number of "East Bankers." Although the sentiments of these groups, known as Al Hirak, or "The Movement," may not yet be widespread among the kingdom's tribes, its members are tenacious and have been downright irreverent in their critiques of King Abdullah, violating every convention and law on the books in Jordan prohibiting defamation of royals.

Most famously, Hirak demonstrators from Tafilah province and the Tafilah neighborhood of Amman -- areas known for their loyalty to the monarchy -- have taken to dancing the Dabka al Fasad, a traditional local two-step, accompanied by protests accusing the king and his family of corruption, going so far as to describe the sovereign as "Ali Baba and the 40 thieves." Some royalists have even called for King Abdullah to be deposed and replaced by his younger half-brother, Prince Hamza.

Washington has a clear interest in doing whatever it can to ensure the continued survival of the monarchy. While Jordan cannot turn back on its current course of belt tightening, the Obama administration can help to ease the pain by helping to convince the Gulf Cooperation Council -- which in 2011 committed to giving Jordan $5 billion over five years -- to provide immediate budgetary support, including cash to the king, to help him shore up his tribal base.

More importantly, certainly in terms of popular perception, Washington should press King Abdullah to pursue a real anti-corruption campaign, one that would remove the "corruption files" from the secrecy of the parliament to a more transparent venue. The largely symbolic steps taken to date -- some parliamentary hearings about the Dead Sea casino scandal, the arrest of the mayor of Amman, and the conviction and sentencing of a former intelligence chief to 13 years of hard labor -- have been insufficient to restore confidence.

In early January, Jordan took the unprecedented step of issuing an arrest warrant for King Abdullah's fugitive uncle, Walid al Kurdi, who stands accused of embezzling hundreds of millions from Jordan's phosphate industry. A public trial of the royal could go a long way toward reassuring the public -- and particularly the monarchy's East Banker constituency -- of the king's commitment to fighting corruption. Washington should encourage King Abdullah to see through this and other public corruption trials, with an eye toward improving the monarch's tarnished image at home and his chances of surviving the current regional turmoil.

Dipetik dari - The Atlantic