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Showing posts with label RAJA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label RAJA. Show all posts
Monday, October 23, 2017
Titah Sempena Sambutan Jubli Emas Kebawah DYMM Menaiki Takhta
Titah Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Paduka Seri Baginda Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu'izzaddin Waddaulah Ibni Al-Marhum Sultan Haji Omar 'Ali Saifuddien Sa'adul Khairi Waddien, Sultan Dan Yang Di-Pertuan Negara Brunei Darussalam Di Majlis Istiadat Mengadap Sempena Sambutan Jubli Emas Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Paduka Seri Baginda Sultan Dan Yang Di-Pertuan Negara Brunei Darussalam Menaiki Takhta Pada Hari Khamis 14 Muharram 1439 / 5 Oktober 2017 Bertempat Di Istana Nurul Iman
Assalamu’alaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh
Bismillaahir Rahmaanir Raheem
Alhamdulillahi Rabbil ‘Alameen, Wabihiee Nasta’eenu ‘Alaa Umuuriddunya Wadden, Wassalaatu’ Wassalaamu ‘Ala Asyarafil Mursaleen, Sayyidina Muhammaddin, Wa’alaa Aalihee Wasahbihee Ajma’een, Waba’du.
Beta mengucapkan syukur kehadhrat Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala kerana dengan limpah kurnia dan izin-Nya jua, dapatlah kita bersama-sama meraikan Sambutan Jubli Emas Beta menaiki takhta, dalam suasana aman, tenteram dan harmoni.
Hari ini adalah hari paling bersejarah bagi Beta sendiri, dan juga bagi seluruh rakyat dan penduduk di negara ini. Sejarah Beta adalah juga sejarah bangsa dan negara. Kerana siapa Beta selaku raja, tidak boleh putus hubungan dengan bangsa dan negara. Tegasnya, Beta, tetap berkongsi sejarah dengan mereka.
Kerana itulah, perayaan ini menjadi milik bersama di antara Beta selaku raja dan rakyat jelata. Kalau Beta dilihat gembira, maka rakyat juga adalah berhak untuk bergembira. Jika Beta bersyukur, maka rakyat juga patut bersyukur.
Demikian itu hubungan raja dengan rakyat. Tidak ada tembok pemisah di antara mereka. Kewajipan raja berlaku adil kepada rakyat, sementara kewajipan rakyat pula menta’ati raja. Raja berkewajipan untuk mengetahui susah senang rakyat, sementara rakyat pula dituntut untuk bersimpati kepada raja. Inilah namanya kewajipan timbal balik untuk kesejahteraan semua. Raja dan rakyat sama-sama memegang amanah besar ini.
Inilah rukun kehidupan kita di negara ini. Ia telahpun wujud dengan jayanya semenjak dari enam ratus tahun lagi. Marilah kita pelihara ia, dan teruslah memupuknya sehingga zaman berzaman.
Menzahirkan rasa sukacita yang mendalam, Beta dengan tulus ikhlas merakamkan ucapan setinggi-tinggi penghargaan dan terima kasih Beta kepada semua peringkat jawatankuasa yang bertanggungjawab dan bertungkus lumus merancang dan menjayakan sambutan ini.
Penghargaan yang sama juga tidak diabaikan terhadap Kerabat Diraja, Orang-Orang Bergelar, pemimpin-pemimpin masyarakat dan seluruh rakyat, sama ada yang berada di dalam atau di luar negara, di atas sokongan berterusan dan ta’at setia mereka kepada Beta dan Kerajaan. Semoga Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala yang akan memberkati dan melimpahkan rahmat dan hidayat-Nya kepada kita semua. Amin Ya Rabbal ‘Alamin
Sekian, Wabillahit Taufeq Walhidayah, Wassalamu ‘Alaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.
Monday, September 25, 2017
Wednesday, July 12, 2017
Tuesday, October 18, 2016
What is King Bhumibol’s legacy?
Nicholas Farrelly
The 70-year reign of Thailand’s King Bhumibol Adulyadej started and ended inauspiciously. It was a family tragedy that unexpectedly brought Bhumibol to the throne. He went on to become the world’s longest serving monarch but, in death, his formidable legacy is deeply tarnished by the ambitions of those who fought hardest to defend him.
In 1946, the untimely and mysterious death of his older brother, King Ananda Mahidol, catapulted the young Prince Bhumibol into a role for which he was unprepared. King Ananda died violently in Bangkok’s Grand Palace. He was found in bed with a pistol shot to the head. To this day, nobody knows who pulled the trigger. Forensic reports suggest that neither suicide nor an accident were likely. Whispered speculation about regicide has continued ever since.
Many like to believe that shadowy figures outside the palace were responsible. There is also the deeply disturbing possibility—unthinkable for most Thais—that Ananda’s death was an inside job. Some commentators have wondered if Bhumibol, who was the last person to see King Ananda alive, would ever cast any light on the mystery. He never did, and any knowledge he had of the tragic event is now probably gone forever.
Bhumibol was born in the United States and spent much of his early life attending school and university in Switzerland. Even after becoming king, he returned to Switzerland for another five years of education, jazz music, fast cars and European high-society. He returned full-time to Thailand in 1951, aged 23 and speaking imperfect Thai.
Few would have expected this highly westernised young man to become Thailand’s longest reigning king and a potent symbol of the Thai nation. In fact, early in his reign, there was diplomatic chatter that Bhumibol was easily controlled by scheming politicians within the government. In 1932 a revolution had bought about an end to the absolute monarchy and by the time Bhumibol became king Thai royalty had lost much of its former prestige and power. Some of the old palace hardliners would have preferred a more formidable figure on the throne.
It was an unremarkable beginning, but King Bhumibol gradually grew in stature as a role in modern Thai politics was constructed for him. The palace became a useful symbol around which Thailand’s ruling military strongmen could build the ideological infrastructure of national unity. In those years, royal endorsement and conservative credentials were far more important for Thai governments than electoral legitimacy.
Surrounded by loyal establishment figures, Bhumibol was manoeuvred into the public consciousness as a diligent and compassionate king and as the embodiment of Thai values. In those crucial years, the monarchy grew to become Thailand’s premier institution. It was not long before Thailand’s once tentative king was making globetrotting trips, meeting with international leaders and showing off his glamorous queen.
At home, national unity was a pressing concern. In the 1960s and 1970s, Thailand was besieged by the communist advances in Indochina. Within Thailand’s borders, communist insurgents mounted a persistent campaign against the government. Nullifying these opponents, and winning over the hearts and minds of the Thai people, became a top priority for both the government and the palace.
As Cold War anxieties climaxed, Bhumibol supported a strong American presence in Thailand. From its bases in the kingdom, US forces bombed Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. In Thailand, Bhumibol sponsored the establishment of paramilitary organisations, and became the patron of the Border Patrol Police and other guardians of the realm. He also set up a series of rural development centres in the poorest and most remote areas of the country.
He argued, quite rightly, that social and economic development would make Thailand’s rural poor less vulnerable to leftist indoctrination. Some of the most iconic images of Bhumibol’s reign come from his visits to rural villages, where he dispensed development resources and agronomic wisdom to his grateful peasant subjects.
Thailand’s status as a linchpin in the anti-communist fight, paved the way for an economic boom and the enmeshment of Bhumibol in global power politics. The defeat of local communist forces in the early 1980s was directly linked, in many Thai minds, with the king’s devotion to his kingdom. Following the spectacular economic growth and semi-democracy of the 1980s, the last three decades of Bhumibol’s life were accompanied by constant reference to his newly democratic public persona.
His adoration by the Thai public was stoked by a constant diet of positive press coverage about him and his family. Bhumibol’s status grew as international organisations flocked to honour Asia’s modern monarch with a welter of awards and honorary degrees.
His greatest public relations triumph came in 1992, following a massacre of unarmed protesters by army units on the streets of Bangkok. In a nationally televised display of royal authority, Bhumibol called the protest leader and the Prime Minister to his palace. As they knelt before him, he commanded that they settle their differences peacefully. This is the king that many people in Thailand will want to remember: powerful, wise and rescuing the nation in a moment of crisis.
This image served the king well in the years that followed. In an emerging but still fractious democracy, Bhumibol was seen as the ideal national arbiter if things got out of control. His homespun “sufficiency economy” philosophy provided Thais with moral reassurance during the Asian economic crisis of 1997. The king was capitalising on the charisma that he had accumulated during the earlier decades of his reign.
But Bhumibol’s health began to falter and fade at the same time as new political challenges were emerging in his kingdom. Modernisation, consumerism, mass education and the Internet were starting to unravel the established political order. In these turbulent times, Bhumibol was very poorly served by his energetic backers.
In September 2006 the Thai military overthrew the elected government of billionaire businessman Thaksin Shinawatra. Thaksin was an immensely popular political leader and his populist economic policies dwarfed the benevolence of the king. Thaksin had cashed in on Thailand’s lust for modernity and many felt that his unprecedented electoral power was a threat to Bhumibol’s traditional royal authority.
The king’s closest supporters were instrumental in engineering the move against Thaksin. The coup-makers were obliged to infuse their actions with royal mystique. When the tanks took to the streets of Bangkok, yellow ribbons were tied around their gun barrels. Yellow is King Bhumibol’s colour. After the putsch, one of the king’s Privy Councillors, and a military veteran of the fight against communism, was appointed as Prime Minister. The unelected government actively promoted Bhumibol’s “sufficiency economy” philosophy as an antidote to the brash commercialism of Thaksin.
What Bhumibol thought about the enthusiastic use of his royal brand by a military government that had destroyed Thailand’s constitution is not known. What is known is that he made no attempt to distance himself from it. For the first time, the Thai public had a clear view that the palace was a player in partisan politics and, what’s more, had contributed to the overthrow of a government that had been elected three times.
There was worse to come for Thailand’s monarchy. In the post-coup election of December 2007, a new Thaksin-aligned government was elected, effectively undoing the work of the coup-makers. Powerful sections of the Bangkok elite could not accept this result. They mounted a series of increasingly belligerent street protests, swathed in royal yellow, to bring down another elected government.
Carrying portraits of the royal family everywhere they went, the “yellow-shirt” protestors occupied government house, blockaded the parliament and, in their ultimate act of national vandalism, closed down Bangkok’s international airport. Despite the damage to Thailand’s economy and international reputation the security forces refused to move against them. There was speculation that the protesters had friends in very high places.
Eventually the pro-Thaksin government fell, and a much more royal-friendly administration lead by Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva took its place. Throughout the months of yellow-shirt chaos, neither the king nor his advisors did anything to call off those who were campaigning under the royal banner for the forcible overthrow of his majesty’s elected government.
That government eventually fell at an election, replaced by Thaksin’s sister Yingluck Shinawtra. Her opponents in royalist and militarist circles insisted on undermining her grasp on a democratic mandate. It was no great surprise when her prime ministership ended in May 2014 with yet another army coup.
The current government in Bangkok, headed by General Prayuth Chan-ocha, took charge specifically so that top military and palace figures could control the kingdom in the sensitive hours, days, weeks and months after Bhumibol’s passing. Under these conditions it is clear to analysts, both within Thailand and internationally, just how little Bhumibol’s reign contributed to democratic consolidation.
Despite these troubled times, King Bhumibol’s record of virtuous good works, combined with the formidable royal publicity machine, means that he is still held in great regard by a large proportion of the Thai population. His image hangs in houses throughout the kingdom – from elaborate mansions in Bangkok to bamboo huts in the far-flung hills of Thailand’s north. His death will generate deep sadness and a long period of mourning.
Those who publically depart from the acceptable script of royal virtue risk being charged under Thailand’s punitive criminal code. There is a real fear in Thailand about discussing royal matters. In his later years, Bhumibol expressed discomfort about the abuse of laws that protected him, but he never openly called for their reform or repeal.
The reverence for the late king is very real. But the active repression of free speech means that there is no room in Thai public life for any other sentiment.
Perhaps there may be stirrings of new sentiments when the new king takes the throne. Bhumibol’s son, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn, is expected to be the new king, although his elevation is a delicate and contentious matter. Vajiralongkorn has a chequered private life and a reputation for hot headedness. He is a magnet for salacious rumour and colourful internet imagery. He is much less popular than his younger sister, the unmarried Princess Sirindhorn, who is popularly referred to as Princess Angel.
Much planning has gone into what happens next, but Bhumibol’s death may still loose forces that will energise a new round of political turmoil. No wonder the Thai stock market is jittery and investors are calling in their risk assessors.
King Bhumibol was the dominant political and cultural figure in Thailand for as long as most people can remember. He reigned over a newly-prosperous and internationally respected kingdom, and found a place in the hearts and minds of his subjects. But in late moments of reflection he may have regretted that his country became so ill prepared for mature leadership transitions and that his own charisma had been so regularly mobilised against the political wishes of the Thai people.
Sumber - New Mandala
Tuesday, August 9, 2016
Thailand returns to military monarchy
Thailand went to the ballot box yesterday to vote on a new constitution. The results so far seem to favour the change. But whatever the final result, the referendum is unlikely to resolve the country’s political crisis.
Since the shift from absolutist rule to constitutional monarchy and parliamentary government in 1932, the Thai people have developed a taste for democracy, yet they have never managed to entrench it irreversibly at an institutional level. Over the last 84 years Thailand has witnessed 19 constitutions and 13 coup d’états.
Thailand’s military junta, led by Prime Minister General Prayuth Chan-ocha, seized power in 2014 on the pretext of eradicating corruption under the government of Yingluck Shinawatra, just as the previous coup in 2006 did against her brother Thaksin Shinawatra. The referendum is ostensibly a stepping stone on the junta’s roadmap back to democracy.
The real issue, as Patrick Jory explains, is the ‘ongoing uncertainty about the future of the monarchy’, in light of 88-year-old King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s poor health. His reign of over 70 years makes him the longest serving monarch in the world and the longest in Thailand’s history. Thailand has undergone a great transformation under Bhumibol from a deeply poor country in the early days of the Cold War to middle-income status. But there is concern among those privy to palace patronage — including the military, bureaucracy, urbanised elite and other royalist supporters centred in Bangkok — about the royal succession after the King is gone. The Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn, while protected by lèse majesté laws at home, has struggled in the age of digital media to preserve his royal image especially during his long sojourns in Germany where tabloid media have exposed his somewhat unroyal activities.
At stake is not just the continuation of the institution of monarchy and the traditions that it represents, but the wealth and the clout that the palace confers upon military, bureaucratic and political elites through its stewardship of the Crown Property Bureau (CPB) and the imprimatur that its blessing gives government. The CPB is estimated to control between US$37 to US$53 billion in assets — across hotels, land, banks and cement companies and the like — and is not required to pay tax. The King is in principle free to spend its income as he likes. While much of this wealth is used on the monarchy’s household expenses, it also funds provincial developments and charity that boost palace prestige. Yet the opaque nature of the CPB and its use makes cries from the military and royal supporters of Shinawatra family corruption ring hollow.
Thaksin, as prime minister from 2001 to 2006, introduced healthcare initiatives, rice subsidies and extended patronage to the poorer areas in Thailand’s rural north and northeast, that helped establish his election winning machine. Thaksin and his successor parties have won every election since 2001. Royalists and the urban elite worried that Thaksin had not only entrenched an electoral system that would keep out forever their favoured Democratic Party but also that his business empire would ultimately establish a patronage network capable of supplanting that of the monarchy.
For all his faults, including blurring the lines between politics, media and business and vigilante justice meted out to drug lords in Thailand’s far south, Thaksin recognised the inequality between urban Bangkok and the poor in the rural north and northeast. With three-quarters of government spending concentrated on Bangkok and surrounding areas which comprise only 17 per cent of Thailand’s 67 million people, Thaksin established a politics that attracted the loyalty of the rural disadvantaged. Yingluck (2011–2014) continued Thaksin’s strategy, focused principally on maintaining party popularity rather than on much needed structural and democratic reforms.
The last time the military government handed power back to a democratically elected government, after the 15 months between September 2006 and January 2008, it did not halt the success of Thaksin’s successor parties (the People’s Power Party under Samak Sundaravej and Somchai Wongsawat, and Pheu Thai Party under Yingluck). This time around the military government appears intent on preventing elected politicians from ever being able to threaten monarchical interests again. If the current referendum fails, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha has said he will simply promulgate another before elections possibly in 2017.
As Pavin Chachavalpongpun explains in our lead essay this week, after the rejection of a previous draft constitution by a military appointed council in September 2015, Prayuth’s government has been at pains to emphasise that the writing of this new constitution ‘has taken place in accordance with the “roadmap to democracy”. They insist that it’s been transparent, open to scrutiny in the public domain and that they have been willing to take on board criticism’.
In reality anyone who speaks out against the draft constitution risks imprisonment. Under Article 44 of the interim constitution General Prayuth wields absolute power, and abuse of lèse majesté laws has skyrocketed in the two years since the military takeover. In spite of these risks, the country’s two main political parties, the Democrats led by Abhisit Vejjajiva and the Puea Thai Party backed by the Shinawatras, have both publicly opposed the draft constitution in a rare moment of agreement between the two rival parties.
Rather than paving the way for a return to democracy, the draft constitution is widely seen as having been designed to ‘allow the military and their royalist backers to oversee Thai politics for the foreseeable future, whatever the outcome of elections’. Its contents, drafted by a palace old hand appointed by the military, will enable the judiciary to intervene in politics, weaken future civilian governments by removing their authority over bureaucratic and military elites, give independent organisations such as the unelected senate and the constitutional court power to stymie the elected government, and provide advantage to autonomous candidates weakening the major political parties. As Chachavalpongpun explains, ‘Future prime ministers will not have to be elected members of parliament, paving the way for old generals to claim the position legitimately’.
The culture of absolutist rule, a winner-takes-all approach to governance and the idea that it is the military’s job to intervene to stop corruption by democratically elected governments continues to haunt Thai politics today. Extrication from this political mess requires that Thailand’s competing networks of patronage retreat under structural democratic reform that enables fair and unfettered participation in national political life for the urban elite and rural farmers alike.
Sumber - East Asia Forum
Tuesday, April 26, 2016
Avoid b’day overspending: HM
Quratul-Ain Bandial
BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN
HIS Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, the Sultan and Yang Di-Pertuan of Brunei Darussalam, urged the government to avoid excessive spending for his upcoming 70th birthday celebrations.
During a meeting of the executive committee yesterday, the monarch said decorative banners and arches should be used in moderation and that the committee should not exceed the allocated budget or be too reliant on private donors.
“Each year the committee convenes or holds its meeting, but rarely or never before have the members seriously discussed the issue of wastage,” he said in a titah at the Prime Minister’s Office. “It is not because the global economy is beset by problems that we now talk of wastefulness. Whether the economy is in trouble or not, it is still necessary to avoid waste.”
While praising the generosity of private donors, His Majesty said sponsorships had facilitated overspending, and that the funds could be put to better use by alleviating the burden of the needy.
“All these time we only know how to spend and accumulate money for the celebration… In the past we witnessed ministers or other officials receiving donations from many sources. This is most displeasing.”
The Sultan said that previous committees for his birthday celebrations and National Day had failed to pay their debts to vendors, and that sometimes full payment not made until the following year.
“Both committees need to be more careful because at the end of the festivities they have been found to have not paid up some of their obligations… I don’t think there is a problem of insufficient funds… It is simply for holding a celebration. We can estimate the cost to fit the budget.”
His Majesty said the annual celebration, held on July 15, was a unique tradition that served as a platform to deliver royal directives, as well as foster a close relationship between the monarch and the people.
He added that all forms of celebration within Brunei must be “thoroughly scrutinised and their limitations and criteria must be identified”.
“They should not be unrestrained or according to whims and fancies. Entertainment has its limits or boundaries and one should not go all out with abandon to celebrate,” he said. “We need not spend lavishly to our hearts’ content… such activity is strongly forbidden by religion. It is here where common sense must prevail, and here lies one of the important responsibilities of the committee.”
Accompanying His Majesty to the meeting yesterday was His Royal Highness Prince Haji Al-Muhtadee Billah, the Crown Prince and Senior Minister at the Prime Minister’s Office; HRH Prince Mohamed Bolkiah; and HRH Prince ‘Abdul Malik.
The executive committee for His Majesty’s 70th birthday celebrations is chaired by the Minister of Home Affairs YB Pehin Orang Kaya Seri Kerna Dato Seri Setia (Dr) Hj Awg Abu Bakar Hj Apong.
Sumber - The Brunei Times
Labels:
KEPENTINGAN AWAM,
RAJA,
TITAH
Tuesday, April 12, 2016
The Secret Six
A half-dozen groundbreaking Ferraris were built for the Prince of Brunei.
Only one made it out of the jungle alive
By Ryan ZumMallen
The order came from the Sultan of Brunei’s nephew. It was 1994, and Prince Abdul Hakeem, then 20 years old, had inherited two things: access to a $40 billion fortune, and his family’s penchant for spending it.
In the ‘80s and ‘90s, the monarchs of this tiny, oil-rich nation in the South China Sea bankrolled a fleet of special custom vehicles, ordering the most coveted cars in the world by the half-dozen or more. Their notorious collection — located in nondescript concrete garages, surrounded by razor wire, and patrolled by armed Nepalese soldiers known as gurkhas — numbered in the thousands. Visitors described rows and rows of warehouses, filled to the brim with luxury cars, sometimes organized by make, model, or even color. In his online newsletter, Ferrari broker Michael Sheehan described one floor dedicated solely to black Mercedes SL500s, another to red Ferrari Testarossas, and yet another to bright yellow Bentleys and Lamborghinis. One particularly star-studded showroom included a Ferrari 288 GTO Evo, F40 LM, F50, and three McLaren F1s.
Several of the cars in these warehouses were one-of-a-kind, built specifically for Brunei, and could be found nowhere else in the world. For his next order, Prince Hakeem again wanted something special: a Ferrari with a semi-automatic transmission. At the time, the technology didn’t exist on any street-legal vehicle in the world. That didn’t give him any pause. Prince Hakeem was used to getting what he wanted. According to a Fortune article published in 1999, as a teen Prince Hakeem had decided he wanted to learn to play American football, so the Royal Family paid Joe Montana and Herschel Walker to come to Brunei and teach him the game. No one was allowed to tackle the prince, who scored touchdowns every time he touched the ball. On his 18th birthday, he received $1 billion in cash.
For a job like this, Prince Hakeem knew just who to turn to: legendary automotive design house Carozzeria Pininfarina, which had already completed one-off versions of Ferraris, Bentleys, Jaguars, and other historic marques for the Royal Family. It’s estimated that in less than a decade, Pininfarina had built more than 50 cars destined for Brunei.
The assignment came to Paolo Garella, Pininfarina’s prototype manager. Garella’s team would take the Ferrari Testarossa, a pillar of automotive style and performance, and crank up the adrenaline. It was a tall order, but Garella had the experience, talent, and vision necessary for the job.
What Garella’s team built would become one of the most mysterious and compelling supercars ever, one that would come to be known as the Ferrari FX.
Born and raised in Italy, Garella knew by age five that he would make cars his life’s work. After seeing the Ferrari Pinin concept — the first, and still the only four-door Ferrari ever produced — at the 1980 Torino Auto Show, he committed to becoming an engineer and creating one-of-a-kind designs. He quickly established an enviable career: in the late 1980s, Garella spent five years working at Goodyear, testing prototypes — like, as luck would have it, the Ferrari Testarossa — around its famous Circuit de Mireval in France. He then returned to Italy, developing hybrid and electric racecars for PTI Albatech. In 1992 Pininfarina came calling, and Garella became manager of the Prototype Manufacturing and Engineering Department, working on experimental, often top-secret projects. Photos from the ‘90s show him with the pushbroom mustache and wide, round glasses typical of the era — often, with a beaming smile. Garella was 35 when the FX project came to him, and uniquely qualified to make the prince’s dream car a reality.
Pininfarina opted for the Ferrari Testarossa as the platform for the new car. With its supercar proportions and mid-engine layout, it was the premiere horse in the Ferrari stable. Having designed the original Testarossa in the early 1980s, Pininfarina was very familiar with the car. In fact, they had already been involved in a custom job based on the Testarossa, called the Ferrari Mythos, a drool-inducing prototype shown at the 1989 Tokyo Motor Show. Ferrari made it clear the Mythos was not for sale. Somehow, two cropped up in the Brunei warehouses anyhow.
With the platform chosen, Garella and his team could turn to the task at hand. The only requirement, Garella says, was the semi-automatic transmission. Until then, supercars like the Testarossa almost exclusively featured five- or six-speed manuals. Semi-automatics came from the world of motorsports, where they began appearing in rally cars in the late 1980s, and Formula One cars in the early ‘90s. Instead of relying on the driver to depress the clutch, manually engage a new gear, and then release the clutch before accelerating, the semi-automatic used computers to execute shifts — with input from the driver via buttons, paddles, or a lever — in a fraction of the time. Built for quickness and nothing else, semi-automatic transmissions were far too jerky and unrefined for the road in the early 1990s. Pininfarina faced a tall order in adopting one for the FX.
Pininfarina turned to British racing outfit Prodrive, a company that had made a name for itself with Subaru in the World Rally Championship in the early ‘90s. Prodrive was already in the process of gauging public interest in a semi-automatic transmission for the street that could be fitted directly to a manual gearbox; buttons on the steering wheel would shift gears while an electronic control unit worked the clutch. Pininfarina saw an opportunity to collaborate, and assigned an engineer whose sole responsibility was working with Prodrive to adapt their system for the FX. Prodrive transmission was mated to the stock Ferrari six-speed manual gearbox already in the Testarossa that Garella had picked out. It wasn’t a perfect fit. While the clutch was hydraulic, engaging different gears was pneumatic. "Prodrive had a system that was a little bit complex," says Garella. "It had a number of problems and was not really straightforward."
The transmission was going to need continued work, and in fact required constant attention from mechanics to be driveable at all. But it was the best option available at the time. The rest of the FX internals came together without much issue. Pininfarina moved the radiator from the back of the car to the front, to make room for the rear-mounted transmission’s additional electronics, and to capitalize on the increased airflow from the redesigned front end. The engine was tuned, and the exhaust was converted into a snarling straight Tubi system. The catalytic converters on the 4.9-liter V12 were removed, pushing its 420 horsepower northward. Everything else was left stock.
With the engineering complete, Garella and Pininfarina turned to what they do best: the exterior design.
The result was stunning, if polarizing. Though the deeply inset headlights bring to mind Camaros of the era, and quickly became dated, sculpted dual intakes bring an elegance to the aggressive slope of the front end. Massive, scooping hips presaged the Ferrari 360 Modena — designed, of course, by Pininfarina — that wouldn’t come out until 1999. At the rear, the car’s roofline flows down like cooling lava, smoothing out into a point. Quad round taillights from the Ferrari 355 punctuate a dark mesh grille. From the rear three-quarter perspective, the FX radiates aggression, and tremendous potential for speed. The transparent plastic cover over the mid-mounted engine has twelve portholes — one for each cylinder — that simultaneously invite and distort the view inside; a Ferrari funhouse. A stylized "FX" logo on top of the engine makes it clear this is no run-of-the-mill Ferrari. It is the only such emblem on the car.
Pininfarina tested the design in its on-site wind tunnel, and came away pleased. "The car was definitely better than the Testarossa," says Garella. "And I think it was a quite attractive design for the car at that time." Then-chairman Sergio Pininfarina personally showed the completed FX to Gianni Agnelli, the former head of Ferrari parent company Fiat, who simply said: "We are lucky to have such clients."
Pininfarina built the entire outer shell from carbon fiber, which is lighter than aluminum, stronger than steel, and was, at that time, unfathomably expensive. It was also difficult to work with, as very few companies had experience with the material. Pininfarina went through three suppliers before finding the quality necessary. The Pininfarina office in Germany originally constructed the prototypes, but after several mishaps and botched models, the work was brought back to the in-house design center in Cambiano, Italy. At one point, Pininfarina built an entire bonnet for the FX and sent it to Brunei, just to see how it reacted to the sun and humidity of the stifling South Asian climate (an exercise that would prove prophetic). The quality gradually improved. "We worked a lot to have perfect surfaces," says Garella. "At the end, [it] was the best carbon fibre body Brunei had."
Pininfarina completed the FX in late 1995, with the transmission being its crowning — but still problematic — achievement. It was unlike anything done before.
Pininfarina built three FXs, and continued experimenting with the Prodrive transmission, adding it to a couple Ferrari F355s – more than a year before Ferrari made its F355 F1 the first production car with a semi-automatic transmission, in 1997. Pininfarina even put one in another Brunei project, the equally evasive Jaguar XJ220 known internally as "The J." Two were built: one caught fire and was destroyed, the other’s location is simply unknown.
Delivering a car to the royal family of Brunei isn’t as simple as rolling up in a transporter. Pininfarina often loaded the cars into a massive Antanov aircraft, then sent them to Brunei unfinished and had crews complete the work on site. The cars needed to be perfect before the Royal Family saw them.
Occasionally, this led to panic-inducing deadlines. The team once flew a custom Bentley B2 to Brunei the night of a birthday party for Prince Jefri, Hakeem’s father. Condensation from the flight made the car soaking wet, and many of the electronics weren’t working. The car had to be hand-dried, and delivered to the palace in the nick of time. Hours later, though, Garella got a call that the steering wheel wouldn’t line up perfectly straight. The team pulled the wheel apart and were still working when Prince Hakeem suddenly walked outside to present the car to his father and the entire court. Garella hid behind a pillar — the Royal Family was not pleased to find their newest vehicle in pieces.
Another time, converting a Ferrari 288 GTO to right-hand drive had somehow caused the turn signal indicator to stop automatically returning. The team began repairing the problem at 5PM and as time went on, their hosts grew impatient. Around 3AM, Brunei officials seized their passports, effectively holding them hostage. Garella and the team stayed up to finish the work, and reclaimed their passports around 7AM. "I think still that this was the longest night of my life," he says. "Yes it was stressful but also fantastic. I love it, for an engineer to have the possibility to do a project with an almost unlimited budget is a lifetime dream… and I was there."
To Garella’s relief, there weren’t any such "difficulties" with the FX. In early 1996, Garella and a select few associates made the 6,800-mile trek to Brunei to deliver the three custom Ferraris (during the height of the Royal Family’s car-buying frenzy, he made this trip every other month).
The cars came off the plane ready to be presented, and Prince Hakeem was very pleased with his new toys. Satisfied with the progress of the build months prior, Hakeem had ordered three more FXs; this time, based on the newly-released F512M, a lighter, faster platform that would come with an extra 20 horsepower, a lightweight crankshaft, and titanium connecting rods. Not only that, but the family decided to send the new cars to Oxfordshire, England-based Williams F1, one of the most successful teams in Formula One history, in order to better tune and refine the complicated transmission.
Five of Garella’s FXs were painted the same familiar Ferrari red; the other, FX No. 4, was painted a deep sapphire blue. It’s the only FX that actually made it to Williams, and the only FX that escaped the decaying garages of Brunei.
Once it had possession of the car, Williams used a team from their F1 arm to build the new and improved transmission system in FX No. 4. They replaced the Prodrive components, taking special care to remove all Prodrive branding. Williams plugged in the semi-automatic unit they had been using in Formula One since 1992, and ran immense amounts of wiring through the car. They also replaced the buttons on the steering wheel with paddles. The paddles in the FX appear primitive by today’s standards: they are made of metal, with red on the left for down shifts, and green on the right for up. But it was shaping up to be a marked improvement over the first FX.
The transmission was still being tuned when the Asian markets crashed.
In the summer of 1997, the free fall of the Thai baht sparked a domino effect that spread across the Asian markets, and quickly set off a global financial meltdown. Buoyed by its vast oil reserves, Brunei emerged relatively unscathed. The following year, however, a company called Amedeo Development Corporation — owned and operated by Prince Hakeem’s father, Jefri — collapsed, leaving behind $6 billion in debt. Prince Jefri’s brother, the Sultan, ordered a review of the country’s financials (Vanity Fair once reported that 200 accountants were assigned to the case) and found Jefri had raided some $14 billion of Brunei’s oil funds as his personal piggy bank, using Amedeo to fund extravagant public and personal projects.
Jefri’s exploits during this fantastic spending spree have since become the stuff of legend. His family of four wives and at least 18 children lived lavishly across London, Paris, Los Angeles, and elsewhere. He commissioned life-sized bronze sculptures of couples having sex, just to offend his more-conservative brother Mohamed. He owned a 152-foot yacht named "Tits," and called the lifeboats "Nipple 1" and "Nipple 2." Court documents would reveal that Jefri ultimately spent some $78 million with Pininfarina alone. Some estimates pegged the total number of cars in his priceless collection at more than 2,500 — others, closer to 5,000.
"Other heads of state and wealthy people have had impressive collections of bespoke cars, but I am pretty sure the Royal Family of Brunei is unparalleled in this regard," says Ed Kim, vice president of industry analysis for Auto Pacific. "Certainly nothing like what they were doing back then is happening now."
Though Jefri was the chief financier of the collection, his brother the Sultan, who once held the title of richest man alive, certainly has his own excessive and frightening habits: he owns (and regularly pilots) a Boeing 747 with a gold and crystal interior, and participated with Jefri in a sex harem that included dozens of women. Some of these women were models and actresses that later claimed they were lured into joining, and sued the brothers. It would be naïve to suggest the Sultan was unaware of his family’s obscene spending. Garella personally witnessed private concerts by the likes of The Gipsy Kings and Sting on palace grounds. Michael Jackson once performed in Brunei for a fee of $17 million, in a stadium built specifically for the event.
Still, the Sultan has held his throne for nearly 50 years, and successfully distanced himself from the global scorn that forced Jefri to flee the country. The Sultan removed Jefri from his positions as Brunei’s minister of finance, and head of the Brunei Investment Agency (BIA), that housed the oil funds that Jefri had likely been using to keep Amedeo afloat. In 2000, Prince Jefri turned over his assets. Meanwhile, the prince’s groundbreaking Ferrari sat in a British workshop, suddenly with no owner.
Williams made a phone call. American businessman Dick Marconi picked up. About $1.3 million and 15 years later, I’m staring at my reflection in the indigo carbon fiber weave of Ferrari FX No. 4 in Tustin, California.
"This is Mr. Marconi’s baby," says Marconi Museum operations director Todd Ottosen, more than once, as he carefully lowers the entire back section of the FX. Before closing it, he makes a show of effortlessly lifting the carbon fiber engine bay up and down, with two fingers. "Pretty cool, huh? You can’t even do that with the F40."
The Marconi Museum is located inside an unassuming warehouse in a Southern California business park and houses one of the most eclectic, star-studded car collections you could conjure up. Ferraris from every era are scattered about, along with icons like the DeLorean DMC-12 and Lamborghini Countach, and ultra-rare finds like the Cizeta V16T and Aston Martin DB AR1 Zagato. Several retired Indy and Formula One racecars are parked on the floor; others, like the McLaren MP4/4 that Ayrton Senna drove during his 1988 championship season, hang vertically from the walls like 200-mile-per-hour drapes.
The museum is the passion project gone wild of Dick Marconi, a co-founder of Herbalife, who has used his fortune to bring automotive brilliance to the public. (Admission is free — there’s a suggested $5 donation that benefits the museum’s childrens foundation.) This is where Ferrari FX No. 4 has spent the majority of its life, occupying a space between the AR1 and another Pininfarina creation for the Royal Family: a forest-green convertible based on the Ferrari 456 four-seater, called the Venice (like the FX, there are several of these still in Brunei, possibly dozens if you count the custom sedan and wagon versions). Though it may be a relatively pedestrian existence for the FX, one of the most compelling automotive mysteries in a world full of them, the car’s allure is still strong. Rumor has it Marconi has repeatedly turned down offers to sell the car for no less than $10 million.
Automotive journalist Winston Goodfellow is one of the few people to have driven the FX outside of Marconi Museum mechanics, when he reviewed the car for an issue of FORZA Magazine in 2001.
In his article, Goodfellow raved that the low weight and advanced technology in the FX made it a thrill to drive: "While this Ferrari pulls with more alacrity than any TR, what makes the FX truly extraordinary when run hard through the gears is the way the engine works in concert with the transmission: it delivers an excitement that the heavier, production TRs — or any 355 or 360 — can’t touch."
Fifteen years after that drive, the experience of the Williams transmission is still clear in his mind. "One thing I will say, that does still linger, is it remains one of the coolest things I’ve driven," he remembers. Goodfellow’s impressions may provide the clearest perspective to the car’s potential, and that of the Williams semi-automatic system, that we’ll ever have.
"You could feel it going through the motions of what it did, even though it was all paddles. That gave it this perfect blend of coming ‘digital’ couple with beautiful analog sensations. It had a unique taste that was most appealing, particularly that howling exhaust."
Some of the cars at the Marconi Museum get out more than others. The FX, for example, made a couple of appearances in local car shows during the 2000s, but has otherwise been a homebody. On a routine test drive about two years ago, the FX limped back to the museum spewing white smoke, and hasn’t run since. In total, FX No. 4 has approximately 1,800 miles on the odometer. If they still function — a big if — it’s likely that the five other FXs have rarely (or more likely, never) been driven at all.
Few have seen it; fewer still have seen what it’s capable of. Vincent Marconi, a 26-year-old mechanic, who also happens to be Dick’s grandson, has seen the FX’s guts spewed out all over the floor. Last year he and Larry Englehart, owner of Ferrari Technology in nearby Orange, began the long journey of making sense of the transmission, and getting the car running again.
"It’s still a work in process, and it’s a slow process," says Vincent. "It’s a combination of F1 and space technology, and there are no schematics."
Vincent describes a system truly ahead of its time. The gearbox is the stock six-speed from the F512M, with small modifications to the gears and differential. The attached Prodrive semi-automatic system features fascinating technologies, like an early version of automatic rev-matching to prevent power loss between shifts. Prodrive appears to have never brought its innovative transmission to market, unable to smooth out the wrinkles.
Even now, it will likely take a Williams technician visiting the car again to get the computer systems ready to run. Vincent Marconi and Englehart plan to get back around to finishing the project one day, but the museum has lots of cars that need attention and the FX isn’t very high on the priority list. Still, the payoff is enticing.
"It works bitching once everything is rocking and rolling," says Vincent.
Garella, now 57, resembles his younger self, though the glasses are thinner and the mustache is grayer. He remains a force in innovative design and construction. He spent 17 years at Pininfarina, the final seven as Head of Special Projects. In recent years, he’s been the invisible hand behind two of the most celebrated one-off designs of the past decade. The first is the Pininfarina New Stratos, a modern interpretation of the famous, wedge-shaped Lancia Stratos.
The other is the Ferrari P4/5 by Pininfarina, commissioned by the filmmaker Jim Glickenhaus. It’s built on a Ferrari Enzo but completely redesigned to pay homage to the legendary 1967 Ferrari 330 P3/4. Garella would also become Project Manager for the company’s associated racing program, designing the P4/5 Competizione, which was built on a Ferrari F430 Scuderia and homologated to race in the Nurburgring 24 Hours. In 2012, it placed 12th overall and won its class. Last year, the team debuted and raced the SCG 003, a new variation that shattered the lap record at The Ring and fielded two entries in the 24-hour race. All of the Glickenhaus racing cars are street-legal, and compete with New York license plates. Another one-off project is underway, but that’s all Garella can say. (In an email, Glickenhaus described Garella as being "Not fazed by problems and willing to work until they are solved.")
Still, the FX holds a special place on his long list of accomplishments. Garella often visits the US to attend events like the Pebble Beach Concours d’Elegance in Monterey, and in 2007, he looked up the Marconi Museum and made the trip down the coast to Tustin. Dick Marconi was waiting for him, and the two posed for pictures with the FX — a legend created by one and saved by the other. The car wasn’t running then, but its futuristic carbon fiber was still there; as were its eye-popping design, and its embattled but ambitious transmission. Its advancements in design, construction, and technology make the FX a sort of automotive missing link.
"The FX was definitely ahead of its time for having a semi-automatic gearbox," says Kim.
"The Sultan and his brother really were R&D for many high-end automakers. They were building custom bespoke cars that not only had unique bodies and interiors, but sometimes exotic technologies. And the money was limitless."
Garella maintains that the true masterpiece of the FX is its body. Not for the design, but for the materials. Today, carbon fiber technology is commonplace in supercars, and even many sports cars. BMW now uses carbon fiber reinforced plastic (CFRP) for both the frame and the body of their i3, as well as multiple parts of the new 7 Series luxury sedan. The FX helped set the stage for a new movement in mass production as automakers aim for weight savings to improve performance and fuel economy.
"For me personally, and I think also for Pininfarina, it was the project in which we learned most about carbon fiber and the composite process," he says. "I think for sure that was the project where we brought back the maximum know-how at that point."
Never intended for public consumption, the FX led to the adoption of many new ideas that are common practice in the cars that drive our streets every day. For now, it waits in the museum for an overhaul that may never come, in exile from those that commissioned it; the product of a man who poured years into making it a reality and would use it to influence his trend-setting creations in the future. When he visited the Marconi Museum, the sight of the FX was a welcome one for Garella.
"Prince Hakeem wanted to have all the cars with semi-auto transmission," says Garella. "He thought that this was the future.
"He was right."
Sumber - The Verge
Monday, April 4, 2016
Talking Policy: YB Pehin Dato Lim Jock Seng on Brunei
Brunei, a Southeast Asian nation with a population of only 400,000, ranks among the world’s wealthiest nations per capita due to its extensive oil and gas resources. Situated strategically on the South China Sea and a member both of APEC and ASEAN, it is also a central player in the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade pact now awaiting Congressional action. David A. Andelman, editor emeritus of World Policy Journal, sat down with Yang Berhormat Pehin Dato Lim Jock Seng, Brunei’s Second Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade and a close advisor to the His Majesty the Sultan of Brunei, to examine the stakes on both sides of the Pacific and to discuss the country’s domestic politics and relations with its neighbors.
DAVID A. ANDELMAN: Here we are in 2016 in very difficult times. Where do you see Brunei? What do you think is its place in the region right now?
YB PEHIN DATO LIM JOCK SENG: Brunei is a small country, with a population of about 400,000. We are the smallest member of ASEAN. And our role will be actually very minimal in any organization, being that size. So this is why ASEAN is so important to us, because this is one organization where we feel we can contribute to ASEAN, to the region, and internationally. If we're doing it alone, it would be impossible. Nobody cares.
DA: You're the wealthiest country in the region, along with Singapore, by far. You have great resources. You have a strong central government. You're a peaceful country. You should be one of the great forces in the region. Do you have that confidence to do that?
PDLJS: Yes, we are blessed with oil and gas, and when the prices fall and gas is high, we were able over the last 10-15 years to put all that extra money into reserve, and invest it to the States, Europe, and everywhere. So from these reserves, we have the financial backing, but some of the major players in the region are China, Japan, and India. Within ASEAN, we try to play our part. We feel that in diplomacy, the best way to do anything is to trust each other. I realized from my 30-plus years of experience that if you don't have the trust, however brilliant you are, you will never get anything done. We have friends, and the natural way for us in Brunei really is that we are very friendly—we like to be friends and trust is the main thing.
DA: Who do you think does not trust you in the region?
PDLJS: I think, generally, they see us as a small country of no significance, but they like us because we never trouble them, we never criticize them, and we are one of those who think, "fine, if that's alright with you, we'll come along."
DA: Does that include China?
PDLJS: That includes China. Both China and America are two major powers and we are friends with both. We tell our American friends that we're friendly with China, we're friendly with you, but it would be good if you could use us as a channel, because what I do is, every time I would see the Chinese, I would tell them, "have you ever thought properly what it is that the Americans really want? I would tell you exactly what it is." And then I will convey to them what the Chinese think, because the Chinese, when we talk about the South China Sea, were telling me, "look, here is China. We are surrounded by Korea, Japan ... and then you have Australia, you have Thailand, you have everybody around here. All have military relations with the United States. And the moment that Australia and New Zealand come in, we feel surrounded." So that's basically how we see our role.
DA: The Trans-Pacific Partnership is something that's of great interest now in America, and I'm sure here. Do you see TPP—since TPP has excluded China—as yet another threat to China? And since you are participating in that, do you see that you effectively are, too?
PDLJS: No, because TPP is an open association. Everybody can come in. And we've told the Chinese, "come." We've invited everybody and now they have some who are seriously thinking of coming in. And, I think the TPP is good in a sense that it is now moving the RCEP [Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership] we are doing with the Chinese and the Indians. That's 18 of us in total, without the United States. And now the pace is getting faster because they realize TPP is now on. And we told the Chinese we supported them, we want them to come in, the U.S. wants them to come in. I think the Chinese are thinking seriously now about it—they are getting interested in coming, and they're not as opposed to it.
DA: But aren't you afraid that the American government—depending on what administration we have after November—and Congress might say, "Oh, this is just another Trojan horse to get China more weight in the region?"
PDLJS: I think we have more confidence than you on this. In our last meeting, Obama was telling us that he feels that we'll be able to pull it off. And we were talking to Alex Feldman, with the ASEAN U.S. Business Council. Now, if you look at TPP and what they're doing, it would be silly of us not to proceed with it. And I'm sure there have been a lot of business sectors saying, “forget about politics.”
DA: What if the United States Congress said we're not going to ratify this now? Would you go ahead with it without the United States?
PDLJS: I'm not sure of that. We have to change some of the legislation, labor and all that, to accommodate, which will take about 18 months. Then we're ready to ratify.
DA: Do you sense that the aggressive role of China, in the South China Sea particularly, as well as its defensiveness against the TPP, would shift the power balance in this part of the world?
PDLJS: Economically, with the facts and figures, China is becoming a very important player. It is already the second largest economy in the world. Will it take over? It may, it may not. But at the same time, the U.S.—there is no country in the world that I've seen with the same amount of talent, research, and innovation. I was in California’s Silicon Valley. It’s fantastic! There I see Syrians, Sri Lankans, Vietnamese—all the best brains you have. There is nowhere else in the world like it, and that's why your American spirit, your American dream is important—although the Chinese are trying to get the Chinese dream. But, as long as you pursue this, I don't think anybody really has the environment to encourage that kind of innovation, and that's something that America has done very well.
DA: Can Brunei maintain its voice in the region with these levels of oil prices, or do you need to have a higher price of oil?
PDLJS: I think we need some sense so that both the consumer and the producer gain from it. There's no point in us getting $140 and have some people suffering somewhere. So what we need to get rid of is the volatility. I think Brunei's role and influence comes from having resources. And, in that sense, a fairly stable middle of the price of oil in the $60s to $70s range [would be good]. We're fine because constant production is very low.
DA: Now, what I find interesting is the lessons that Brunei could teach other smaller countries that have resources. Indonesia, for instance, has resources. Malaysia has resources. You have the fourth highest GDP-PPP in the world. You must be able to teach other countries something. What kinds of lessons can you teach them?
PDLJS: I’m going to explain to you the policy His Majesty has been following. I once told him, "We have spent a lot of money on welfare. We have spent a lot of money on education." His emphasis is: "I want education. I don't care what you all do, ministers. I want everyone to be educated from A to Z. I want everyone to have access to medical care. If you can't get it in Brunei, we'll fly the patients out. I want everybody to have housing—cheap housing, or free housing. In fact, in the end, it's all free housing." So I said, "You can't sustain it!" He said, "All the money that comes from oil and gas and everything to the government—it's for the people. So spend it on the people."
DA: I hope you won't take this the wrong way, but His Majesty lives very well. And his family lives very well. Do people resent this at all?
PDLJS: As far as I can gather, because he's trying to give all that money to the people, education and all that, people are quite comfortable. And then the social safety net—when you retire, when you're older, you still have the pension scheme, which is non-contributory, so you get it anyway. In that case, I think he has won half of the battle in the sense that he has given them the basics plus this social safety net.
DA: I knew Singapore’s Lee Kwan Yew a bit. He was a tough man, very smart and very for the people. Did you ever contemplate how Brunei might have been different if you have followed more of a Lee Kwan Yew model? You had resources that they never had in terms of oil and so on, and natural gas.
PDLJS: I think with the kind of society we have, it would be difficult. Brunei's society is completely different from that of Singapore.
DA: How would you describe Brunei society in that respect?
PDLJS: I would say we are still family-oriented. Because of our small size, we all know each other, we're all related to each other. And this is why when you talk about corruption and all that, it is so difficult. I'll give you an example. I did my research in a fishing village for a year, and stayed with a family there. So when I came up, the family would say, "Look, my son hasn't got a job. Can you please help me?" And the expectation is that you must help him. Now half of me says no, half of me says you have to help him. So I'm caught in a dilemma between the Western and the Eastern world. Eventually, I said, "Send the application. If he's qualified, he'll get it."
DA: That's more of the Singapore model, isn't it? That's what we would say. I think one of the things you do share with Singapore is no corruption here, right?
PDLJS: We're trying to reduce it. We're conscious that we haven't succeeded.
DA: I don't think of Brunei as a corrupt society, certainly nothing like a lot of the Middle Eastern countries, or certainly most of the African nations. You're very high on the transparency international list, so that's good.
PDLJS: So we're hoping the TPP will help us because the TPP addresses the question of transparency. We need to make some of the rules very clear. That's one way of ruling out corruption. So in this sense, TPP is helping us to really move up.
DA: What would you say if the U.S. Congress rejected it? What would the consequences be for Brunei, and for the region?
PDLJS: Well, TPP is something that will provide us with a market of 800 million people. It provides us with capacity building—we are trying to build all our businesspeople, our rules, our regulations, so that it's on par with everyone. In this way, we are bringing Brunei into the international forum. So that's one aspect of it, apart from creating more jobs. But we also have many other free trade agreements with nations like Australia and New Zealand. There is also RCEP, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Now this one is with India, China—but not the U.S. If TPP fails, some of these countries will come in.
DA: So basically, it'll be worse for America if it fails than it'll be for Brunei and the region.
PDLJS: Yes.
DA: That's a very interesting perspective.
PDLJS: But if you see the World Bank's report, we are number three getting benefits out of it. But we wouldn't get any benefits until we move up.
DA: Move up what?
PDLJS: In the sense of some of the rules, the regulations. If I want to attract American investors, my rules and my judiciary must be very clear. Some of the rules are not very clear, like labor. That's in the process of being done.
DA: But you don't need TPP for that. You realize that, right?
PDLJS: No, but TPP provides us this motivation.
DA: That's very interesting. So what else would you want from America?
PDLJS: I think, as I said, America is a very good friend of ours. One of the major powers, if not the major power. It has contributed a lot to the peace and stability of this region. China of course is the up-and-coming one, but we want them to play a positive role—the both of them.
DA: They seem to want to encroach on your oil lands and your oil fields in the South China Sea, and it seems they want to make life difficult for you.
PDLJS: At the end of the day, I think that China and the U.S. cannot afford to fight. The reality is that we need each other, and you can't do that. I don't think for a moment that the Chinese would be mad enough to do some thing, and I'm sure the Chinese have a long-term view of things.
DA: So you're not concerned then about these things that are happening in the South China Sea?
PDLJS: If it is the nine-dash line, it is part of it, but we're saying this is ours, and this is yours - but it's not going to come to any blows.
DA: I’m also interested in the legislative part of the government, and wanted to see how that worked in Brunei.
PDLJS: The composition of the legislative council, which was introduced in 2004, is that a quarter of those people are actually elected as head men of villages. From these 50-60 head men, 15 out of them get to represent in parliament. They were chosen by the people, through elections. And then His Majesty adds about five people who represent some ethnic communities and groups, and another five people who represent the interests from the private sector, people with contributions.
DA: So the idea as I understand it is that the legislative council—people come in, and tell the problems they have to the ministers. You're one of the ministers—you'll be up there?
PDLJS: Yes.
DA: If something does not go their way, they can't protest. There isn't that avenue. So does it still function as a safety valve in the communities, or does it not act as a source of frustration?
PDLJS: Our parliament is designed slightly differently. The parliament is trying to have the concept of a discussion, and trying to get a consensus; there is no such thing as opposition. And if you see the design of the sitting arrangement, it's different.
DA: Have they ever gotten what they wanted?
PDLJS: Some of them do, some don't, but some questions come up again and again. So the idea is, how do you find a consensus?
DA: But is it really a consensus? It's really not a true democracy, with all due respect. The head of state and head of government has been in power for over 40 years. But do people still feel a participation in the Brunei miracle, if you will?
PDLJS: There is access to His Majesty. He's there every Friday, and they will see him and pass on letters to him. So every time he comes back with letters complaining about the ministers not doing anything, and the next day all the ministers will have to answer all of the questions.
DA: Does he ever do anything for the people?
PDLJS: Oh, yes. One example is of a market that is operating and the ministers were saying that they wanted to move the vendors to a better place. But the vendors were saying, we've been here for generations, and we want to stay here because this is our place and history and people. So His Majesty came down and talked to them, and they told His Majesty they want to stay. And I think His Majesty took their word and said, “Alright.” They have access to him; they write letters to the palace with requests. The ministers are reminded again and again that everything is for the people, not for themselves. But this message is not well publicized. So His Majesty is always being portrayed as this and that, so he said, “I live with it.”
Sumber - World Policy Institute
Labels:
ANTARABANGSA,
ASEAN,
DEMOKRASI,
EKONOMI,
HUBUNGAN LUAR,
KERAJAAN,
MINYAK,
POLITIK,
RAJA,
TPPA
Tuesday, February 16, 2016
Sulu has no right over Sabah – Amde Sidik
The Sulu sultan's army did not participate during the battle between the two sultans of Brunei, Sultan Muhyddin and Sultan Abdul Mubin, in 1660.
It was only after Muhyddin had won, the Sulu army landed and took the opportunity to seize a number of war boaties.
The Sulu army were terrified by the resistance of Sultan Abdul Mubin in Pulau Chermin, according to Pehin Mohd Jamil Al Sufri, a renowned Brunei historian in his "Tarsilah Brunei II Period of Splendor and Fame" (2007).
He did not deny the fact that the Sulus were invited and promised the northern territory of Brunei, then part of Sabah, but only if they helped him to win. The civil war lasted 11 years.
During the battle for Pulau Chermin, Sulu forces were supposed to attack the island from Pulau Keingaran and from the sea, but they did not do so. According to Pehin Mohd Jamil, Sultan Muhyddin refused to cede the territory claimed by Sulu.
The area was only “claimed”, not ceded.
This issue must be clarified to Malaysians and to the world at large, to counter the claim of Jacel Kiram’s manifesto campaign in her bid to become a senator in the Philippine parliament.
It does not concern us if she becomes senator or not, but harping on history, which has no more relevance, claiming our Sabah state is theirs of which 99% Sabahans are not interested to be ruled by the defunct sultanate, this must be made known.
Among other writers, LR Right in her "The Origin of British Borneo 1970", said the legitimacy of Sulu claims is in considerable doubt partly because of the unreliability of tarsilas such as "Selesilah" which in many cases are nothing more than legend to enhance the status of the royal house.
Succeeding sultans of Brunei have denied that North Borneo was ever given to Sulu, only the weight of Sulu tradition supports the claim.
Such a claim is resting on the treaty signed by Sultan Sulu, Jamalulazam, with GB Overbeck on January 22, 1878, where Overbeck was appointed as Datuk Bendahara and Raja Sandakan an area from Kimanis to Sungai Sibuku, but three weeks earlier, the same Overbeck signed an agreement with Sultan Abd Mubin of Brunei.
Mubin appointed Overbeck as Maharaja Sabah and Raja Gaya and Sandakan on December 29, 1877, an area from Bangi to Sungai Sibuku.
There were so many treaties as well as overlapping treaties being signed but only to be revoked soon after there were signed, so to speak. Among them were Treaty Bases of Peace & Capitulation in 1878, which Sultan Sulu signed with the Spanish, agreeing that Sulu ceded its sovereignty to Spain including the "claimed" eastern Borneo. Also, the Madrid Protocol in 1885, when Spain agreed to relinquish its Borneo territory to Britain.
On April 22, 1903, Sultan Jamlulul Kiram signed an agreement “Confirmation of Cession of Island” granting sovereignty to British Borneo Company.
It sounds ridiculous to entrain such claims and the latest was in 1962, when the Sulu ceded it sovereignty to the Philippine government. Obviously, the Philippines looks far better knowledgeable on the status of claims than the Sulu. – February 14, 2016.
Sumber - The Malaysian Insider
Wednesday, February 10, 2016
Keberangkatan Kebawah DYMM ke Tamu Kianggeh suntik semangat para penjaja
BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN, Ahad, 7 Februari. - Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Paduka Seri Baginda Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu'izzaddin Waddaulah ibni Al-Marhum Sultan Haji Omar 'Ali Saifuddien Sa'adul Khairi Waddien, Sultan dan Yang Di-Pertuan Negara Brunei Darussalam berkenan berangkat melawat Tamu Kianggeh di ibu negara awal pagi tadi.
Keberangkatan Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia telah disambut dengan rasa penuh kegembiraan oleh para penjaja dan pengunjung di tamu tersebut.
Keprihatinan baginda terhadap kesejahteraan rakyat dan penduduk di negara ini jelas kelihatan melalui keberangkatan baginda meninjau dengan lebih dekat keadaan dan aktiviti di Tamu Kianggeh yang sememangnya sibuk terutama pada hujung minggu.
Semasa lawatan tersebut baginda berkenan bercemar duli dan berinteraksi bersama para penjaja sambil meninjau aktiviti harian mereka, jelas menggambarkan betapa eratnya hubungan antara raja dan rakyatnya.
Meskipun dalam keadaan hujan, baginda tetap meneruskan lawatan dan orang ramai tidak melepaskan peluang untuk menjunjung kasih serta bersalaman dengan baginda.
Tamu Kianggeh merupakan tempat yang mudah bagi memperoleh barangan keperluan harian dengan harga yang berpatutan termasuk juadah dan buah-buahan tempatan, ikan, sayur-sayuran, bunga-bungaan dan kraf tangan, di samping menjadi salah satu tempat tarikan pelancong asing ke negara ini.
Sejarah kewujudan Tamu Kianggeh bermula pada awal 1960-an dulunya merupakan tempat padian wanita menjual pelbagai hasil produk mereka dengan menggunakan bot yang juga dikenali sebagai padian.
Beroperasi seawal pagi dan berakhir pada lewat petang setiap hari yang mana kebanyakan para penjaja di sini terdiri daripada kaum wanita atau warga emas tempatan. Tamu Kianggeh merupakan pasar terbuka terletak di tepi Sungai Kianggeh di tengah-tengah ibu negara.
Apa yang jelas, keberangkatan baginda bercemar duli ke Tamu Kianggeh akan menjadi ristaan serta dapat menyuntik semangat para penjaja tempatan untuk lebih bergiat aktif menjalankan perniagaan mereka.
Sumber - Pelita Brunei
Labels:
KEPENTINGAN AWAM,
PKS,
RAJA
Tuesday, January 12, 2016
Brunei and Malacca in the 15th century
Rozan Yunos
Bandar Seri Begawan
ONE of the best sources for Malay history is the “Sejarah Melayu” or in English is known as the “Malay Annals”. The subjects covered in the work included the founding of the kingdom of Malacca and its relationship with neighbouring kingdoms, the advent and spread of Islam in the region, the history of the royalty in the region as well as the administrative hierarchy of the Malacca kingdom and its successor states. It is regarded as the finest literary and historical works in the Malay language. It was originally written in the Classical Malay in the old Jawi script.
The original version of it was said to be written during the reign of the Malacca Sultanate in Malacca. It was brought together when Sultan Mahmud Shah fled from Malacca in 1511. In 1528, the original document was brought to Johor from Kampar. In 1536, the document was seized by the Portuguese but it was later brought back to Malacca.
The original script was rewritten in 1612 commissioned by the regent of Johor, Raja Abdullah who later became Sultan Abdullah Mu’ayat Syah ibni Sultan Abdul Jalil Syah.
Today, despite the fact that there are a number of versions, Malay historians have considered this text as a primary source of historical information on past events as the events are verifiable by other historical sources.
One of the best translation of the “Sejarah Melayu” or the “Malay Annals” in the English version was done by John Leyden and published in 1821. John Leyden’s translation was from this version of the Annals dated 1612 and coded Raffles MS number 18, which is considered the oldest and most faithful to the original.
There is a possibility that Raffles MS number 18 version was developed further from a past genealogical list of kings complete with the periods of reigns and dates. This list of kings was subsequently enlarged by various stories and historically relevant material which was inserted into it in suitable places, but at the same time the dates of their reigns were removed.
It was theorised that this list could have been originally derived from other unknown Malay texts titled “Soelalet-Es-salatina” or “Su lank alatu’l-Salatina”, that was referred to by Petrus Van der Vorm and François Valentijn in their works “Collectanea Malaica Vocabularia” (Collection of Malay Vocabulary) (1677) and “Oud En New Oost Indien” (“A Short History of East Indies”) (1726) respectively.
However, in the introduction of Raffles MS number 18, it was described that the manuscript originated from another manuscript known as “Hikayat Melayu”, which can trace its origin to the time of the Malacca Sultanate (1400–1511).
The manuscript was brought together when the last ruler, Sultan Mahmud Shah fled from the Portuguese invasion in 1511 to Kampar.
In 1536, during the Portuguese attack on Johor Lama, where the exiled sultan established his base, the manuscript was seized by the Portuguese soldiers and brought to Goa, Portuguese India. It was decades later, in the early 17th century, that the manuscript was returned to Johor from Goa by a nobleman known as Orang Kaya Sogoh.
The Annals among others contain the genealogical origin of Sang Sapurba (said to be the father of the Royal dynasties of the Malay World) from Raja Iskandar Zulkarnain (Alexander the Great); the adventure of Sang Nila Utama from Palembang to Temasek, and the founding of Singapura; the legend of Badang, a man with an unusual strength; the story of Hang Nadim, the saviour of Singapura attacked by swordfishes; the fall of Singapura to Majapahit; the founding of Melaka; the story of Tun Perak, the most revered Bendahara of Melaka; the saga of Hang Tuah and his companions; the Legend of Puteri Gunung Ledang; and the Portuguese conquest of Melaka.
However, many of us in Brunei do not realise that Brunei was mentioned in the Malay Annals. Many assumed that the Malay Annals only contained tales of the Malaysian states and their royal families. But Brunei was indeed mentioned in the Malay Annals.
It is in the XVth chapter that Brunei appeared. According to the translation done by John Leyden and published in 1821, the text about Brunei read as follows:
“…Then, Tun Talani sailed away for China, when a violent storm arose, and carried him with the mantri Jana Petra, to Burne. When the Sangaji of Burne was informed of the circumstance, he sent to call them into his presence, and Tun Talani and the mantra Jana Petra were brought before him.”
“Then, the raja of Burne said to the mantri Jana Petra, ‘What is the stile of the raja of Malaca’s letter to the raja of China?” Tun Talani replied, ‘I, his servant, (sahaya) the raja of Malaca, to the Paduca of my father, the raja of China.” (“Sembah sahaya Raja Melaka, datang kepada Paduka Ayahanda Raja China”)
The raja of Burne enquired, “Does the raja of Malaca send this humble salutation to the raja of China, as an inferior?”
Tun Talani remained silent, but the mantri Jana Petra pushed forward and said, “No, Sire, he does not greet him as an inferior, for the meaning of (sahaya) the word used in the address, signifies slave in the Malayu language, and of course the phrase ‘Sahaya Raja Malaca datang kapada Paduca Ayahanda Raja China, ‘signifies ‘we the salves of the raja of Malaca, humbly salute the Paduca our father, the raja of China’.”
“Then said the raja of Burne, ‘Does the raja of Malaca send a humble salutation to the raja of China?”
Tun Talani was again silent, and the mantri Jana Petra pushed again forward and said, “No, Sire, he does not send a humble greeting to the raja of China, for the phrase Sahaya Raja Malaca denotes all of us here, who send the greeting, not the raja of Malaca,” on which the raja of Burne remained silent.
“When the monsoon for returning arrived, Tun Talani and the mantri Jana Petra asked permission of Sangaji of Burne, to return, and the raja of Burne sent a letter to Malaca, couched in this style, “May the greeting of the Paduca Anakanda arrive beneath the majesty of the Ayahanda.” (Paduka anakanda empunya-nya sembah datang ka-bawah Duli Paduka Ayahanda)
“Then Tun Talani and the mantri Jana Petra returned, and then they reached Malaca, they presented the letter of the raja of Burne to Sultan Mansur Shah, and related all the circumstances which had occurred to them, to the great satisfaction of the raja, who rewarded highly Tun Talani and mantri Jana Petra, and presented them with honorary dresses, and he highly praised the mantri Jena Petra…”
According to the book “Sejarah Berunai” written by Yura Halim and Jamil Umar published in 1951, the Sang Aji mentioned in the Malay Annals was Sultan Sharif Ali. Though judging by the years of reign of the various Sultans of Brunei now, there is clearly a difference of years during the reign of Sultan Sharif Ali of Brunei and Sultan Mansur Shah of Malacca during which this tale was told.
Sultan Manshur Shah reigned from 1459 to 1477 but Sultan Sharif Ali reigned from 1425 to 1432. The possibilities then the Sang Aji mentioned in the book are Brunei Sultans reigning after Sultan Sharif Ali which are Sultan Sulaiman (1432 to 1485) or Sultan Bolkiah (1485 to 1524). If all the dates are correct then the Sang Aji Brunei mentioned in the Malay Annals is the then Sultan Sulaiman, the fourth Sultan of Brunei.
What is clear and important to note, as stated by Yura Halim and Jamil Umar in their book “Sejarah Berunai” is that there was no other mention of Brunei in the Annals.
Even though Brunei and Malacca did a diplomatic exchange, there was no indication that Brunei was a vassal state of Malacca even though the Malacca Malay Empire during that period was at its peak.
Sumber - The Brunei Times
Monday, December 7, 2015
Sulu’s territorial claim is baseless
Amde Sidik
If the concern and enthusiasm of safeguarding Sabah in the aftermath of Nurul Izzah Anwar and Chua Tian Chang’s visit to the Philippines, there might not have been any intrusion by the Sulu army that led to the Tanduo incident on February 11, 2013 in Lahad Datu.
As a Sabahan, I might as well thank Nurul Izzah and Chua, better known as Tian Chua, for creating an exploding awareness.
It was unfortunate for Nurul Izzah and Chua that their host was Jacel Kiram, the daughter of the self-proclaimed sultan of Sulu – someone Sabahans dislike to even hear her name mentioned – let alone to be the host to our honourable members of Parliament.
During the Tanduo standoff, it was Jacel who spoke on behalf of her father.
Malaysian leaders have not made any concrete effort to settle the claim once and for all. To us Sabahans, the claim has no legal basis that Sabah belongs to Sulu and our government should not keep this issue in abeyance for so long.
What do we know about Brunei’s stance in those days as well as now? The entire North Borneo was under its jurisdiction in 1661-1673.
As far as Brunei’s history is concerned, it was during the reign of Sultan Mahayuddin. The volatile period according to Brunei historians, was when the two royal brothers, Sultan Mahayuddin and Sultan Hakkul Mobin were at war which lasted 11 years.
It was at this time that Mahayuddin requested for help from Sultan Ali Shah of Sulu according to what was written by Thomas Stanford in 1817.
In return, Mahayuddin promised to give North Borneo to the sultan of Sulu. But the request was never fulfilled. Instead, Sulu’s army stationed at Palau Cherman watched the battle from afar because both at war were his cousins.
Mahayuddin won the war. Thus, the issue was not raised. Hakkul Mobin fled and lived in Kinarut, Papar District (now Sabah) for 10 years.
This was in the late 17th century (about 10km from Kota Kinabalu today). The Sultanate of Brunei gave an area from Sipitang up to Kimanis, to British North Borneo only in 1902.
Brunei’s historians and academicians were of the view that North Borneo (Sabah) had never been surrendered to any countries or government including Sulu.
Rozan Yunos who wrote in The Brunei Times for the sultan’s coronation on March 8, 2013 held the same view that Sultan of Brunei had never handed North Borneo to Sulu as claimed.
The period mentioned was around 1661-1673. I have researched high and low on this topic but have yet to find any official document in Brunei’s institutions or mentioned in any form about North Borneo handed to Sultanate of Sulu.
During the period, Sulu had three sultans, Sultan Ali Shah, Sultan Nurul Alam and Sultan Haqunu – this was because the heir Sultan Sahabuddin was still underage and by tradition the palace had to appoint three sultans until the rightful sultan reached the full age.
It is worth mentioning in conjunction with the latest development in the South China Sea that it is the Philippines’s view that China cannot claim the islands based on historical fact.
If that is so, this should also apply similarly to sultan of Sulu’s assertion and therefore the Philippines cannot claim Sabah based on the history; among the islands that China claims from Philippines are the Kalayaan group of islands. – December 4, 2015.
* Amde Sidik is deputy president of Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP).
Sumber - The Malaysian Insider
Labels:
KESELAMATAN NASIONAL,
POLITIK,
RAJA,
SEJARAH
Wednesday, July 15, 2015
August 15: Special holiday to celebrate HM birthday
Rabiatul Kamit and Isaac Smith
BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN
AUGUST 15 has been declared a special holiday to celebrate His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, the Sultan and Yang Di-Pertuan of Brunei Darussalam’s belated 69th birthday.
His Royal Highness Prince Hj Al-Muhtadee Billah, the Crown Prince and Senior Minister at the Prime Minister’s Office made the announcement during the second meeting of the national committee for the monarch’s birthday celebration.
A belated celebration will take place on the special holiday involving a parade at Taman Hj Sir Muda Omar ‘Ali Saifuddien and an investiture ceremony at Istana Nurul Iman.
In his sabda delivered at the Prime Minister’s Office, the Crown Prince in his capacity as the national committee’s patron, also announced that His Majesty’s birthday today will be observed with a 21-gun salute on the morning of July 15 and thanksgiving prayers in the afternoon.
Similar to previous years, the monarch’s birthday will be celebrated at a later date as July 15 falls on Ramadhan.
“This traditional heritage is no doubt a strong symbol of solidarity among citizens and residents in the country and is synonymous with continued progress, peace and prosperity resulting from the leadership of a wise, people-oriented king,” said HRH Prince Haji Al-Muhtadee Billah.
He added the opportunity for the public to express their gratitude should be highlighted through participation in the upcoming celebratory events and ceremonies.
The Crown Prince said it is imperative for the celebration to open up opportunities in attracting the “active, yet meaningful and integrated” involvement of various groups such as the public and private sectors as well as NGOs, students, youth and general public.
As members of the national committee, he pointed out it is their responsibility to continue generating ideas and strategic plans that take into account past experiences.
HRH called on the national committee to learn and improve from their past experiences, highlighting the importance of holding a post-mortem meeting that is backed with verified information and supporting data.
“In my opinion, we need to focus on the essence of the celebration programme so that it is able to attract more participation and attendance from all levels of society,” he said.
The Crown Prince said they aimed to achieve consensus through the collaboration of ideas that are not only “government-driven”, but derived from a combination of ideas from the private sector, NGOs including youth and the wider public.
“Our objective is clear, which is to strengthen the unity of the people in this country, especially through the celebratory ceremonies with the public in the four districts,” he said.
HRH said they can plan events that are “universal”, which creates a sense of “belonging and togetherness” among the people. He added that ideas and participation from the public will be addressed by the respective district offices and consultative councils.
He said grassroots leaders play a vital role in mobilising and encouraging their respective village residents to “grab the golden opportunity” to attend the upcoming meet-and-greet events.
The closed-door meeting at the Prime Minister’s Office discussed the preparations that have been undertaken for the celebration, according to Home Affairs Minister Yang Berhormat Pehin Udana Khatib Dato Paduka Seri Setia Ustaz Hj Awg Badaruddin Pengarah Dato Paduka Hj Awg Othman.
Also on the agenda were plans for the nationwide meet-and-greet sessions with His Majesty as well as side events such as flag-raising ceremonies and the Knowledge Convention.
Sumber - The Brunei Times
Labels:
RAJA
Monday, April 20, 2015
3 Examples Of Exemplary Leadership Among Our ASEAN Neighbours
Written by Arief Irsyad
Everyone dreams of living in a country that is developed and advanced in terms of the people's mentality and social development.
But to get there, it all depends on a leader's wisdom navigating the nation towards that dream.
Malaysia is surrounded by immediate neighbours who exemplify at one point or another inspired leadership which charted the growth of Singapore, Brunei and Indonesia to greater heights.
An Iconic Leader In The Eyes Of The Nation
After the passing of Lee Kwan Yew, the Father of Modern Singapore, many people debated his role and influence in shaping Singapore's political scene over several decades.
Nevertheless, Singaporeans still look up to Lee whom they still consider as their greatest leader so far.
He proved his mettle as a capable leader in being able to reign in any political rift in his country.
Thanks to his firm stand in upholding the Sedition Act and Internal Security Act (ISA), politics in Singapore is civilized and orderly.
It is undeniable that like any other country, there exists opposing voices in Singapore who criticize Lee's administration but they do so respectfully.
While making known their disagreement over policies involved in governing the nation, the opposition never made personal attacks and always placed the country's interests above all else.
This was evident during his passing, the people of Singapore united in showing their love towards their former Prime Minister.
Even after Lee had retired from active politics, he was still highly regarded and continued to serve as advisor whose views were highly-respected just as when he was the country's leader.
In the eye of Singaporeans, he remains a great man.
No one can beat the greatness of Singaporeans spirit of unity and love for Lee Kwan Yew, the Father of Modern Singapore.
Loyalty To A Supreme Leader
Brunei Darussalam stands unique among its ASEAN neighbours as it is ruled by an absolute monarch, who in this modern age has managed to cement his reign of what is a model Islamic country in Southeast Asia.
Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah has succeeded in commanding the undivided loyalty of his subjects who wholeheartedly embrace him as their King and accord him the respect he deserves.
Brunei is not like any other countries in Asia because there is no political party there. It really is all about one king and one voice.
Brunei is among the Islamic countries which has successfully implemented Hudud as a whole and the people of Brunei agree and respect Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah's decision.
There is no known opposition or resistance to his leadership as His Highness' tolerant and caring attitude has endeared him to his people.
Always with the interest of his nation at heart, he has been known to alight from his vehicle to direct traffic in Brunei.
As a result, the people of Brunei think highly of their ruler. His sincerity in caring for his nation and its people is reflected in the loyalty he commands in return from his subjects.
Brunei Darussalam is a small country but years ahead in comparison to other Islamic nations in Asia because of they have the right spirit and attitude in implementing Allah’s law.
People Power As A True Reflection Of Democracy
Indonesia is a shining example of a republic where the people’s voices reign supreme when choosing their leader which has seen seven presidents been installed and removed by people power.
Compared to its neighbours, it might appear less successful in terms of education and economy, but when it comes to exercising their democratic right, Indonesians exhibit uncommon spirit when opposing leaders that they deem as unfit to rule.
History stands witness during the historic episodes when Sukarno, Indonesia Father of Independence’s ruling, kings and sultans were overthrown by commoners because of the united show of people power. Indonesia protects its belief in a republic fiercely governed by a democratically elected leader, the president.
Starting from Sukarno, Suharto, Gusdur, Habibi, Megawati Suekarnoputri, Susilo Bambang Widoyono and now Joko Widodo, all were rightfully elected by the people in response to changing times.
For instance, Sukarno’s leadership enjoyed immense popular support followed by Suharto who exercised military rule during his era.
That Habibi’s ruling only lasted a few months have clearly proven that the support of Indonesians for their leader is crucial in determining the direction of the nation.
Indonesians do not have any qualms about changing their leader.
When the poeple stand together, there is nothing that can break their unity and combined power to determine the future of a nation or bring down a goverment which no longer enjoy the people's support.
We need to follow in the footsteps of these three Southeast Asian countries in terms of putting the interests of the nation, the people and its leadership above all else.
There are many ways to foster togetherness and unity as shown in these three countries which above all else benefitted from exemplery leadership which propelled their country forward.
Sumber - Malaysian Digest
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