After 80 years, it's time to rethink the past, present and future

The current political dispute is unique in Thai history because it is coming from the grassroots level and not the elite as in the past

On June 24, 1932, a group of junior military officers and civil servants calling themselves Khanarassadorn (citizen's group) staged a coup to seize power from the absolute monarch and turn the country into a democracy with a constitutional monarch as head of state, noted Post Today.

Khanarassadorn's manifesto was:

1. Maintain political, judicial and economic independence.

2. Maintain internal security with the aim of reducing crime.

3. Raise economic prosperity. The new government will find jobs for every citizen, draw up national economic plans, not allow citizens to be impoverished.

4. Citizens have equal rights.

5. Citizens must have rights and freedom as long as they do not infringe on the aforementioned four principles.

6. Provide comprehensive education for citizens.

Throughout its 80-year history, Thai democracy has undergone profound changes ranging from military dictatorships, fig leaf democracy, full-blown democracy and capitalist democracy. There have been bloody clashes resulting in many deaths and thousands of injuries. Still, many wonder if Thailand has achieved a fully fledged democracy.

To shed light on this question, Post Today interviewed Charnvit Kasetsiri, former rector of Thammasat University and a renowned historian.

Dr Charnvit explained that throughout the past 80 years, conservative forces have retained a lot of their influence, making democracy unstable. It is more like "transient democracy", not a permanent one as long as citizens' rights and equality are not achieved concretely.

"Even though more than 10 constitutions including the present one guaranteed citizens' rights, it is meaningless when there is still talk about double standards, prai and ammart, which means that there is a problem of equal treatment. Whether such disputes are called a class struggle depends on a person's perspective, but I see the conflicts intensifying," Dr Charnvit said.

To dissect the differences of internal conflicts, Dr Charnvit explained that it was not as strong as in the past because if was confined to the elite. The present political conflicts are at the grassroots level, causing widespread political unrest.

"The present political conflicts are unprecedented, much more than the civil war during the Bovorndej failed coup in 1933.

"That was a civil war as it was fought right in the heart of the city, but it was a fight between armed forces belonging to the failed coup leader and those of the government. Most people were just observers, not involved.

"But the present situation is more dangerous as it affects the entire fabric of society," Dr Charnvit noted.

After 80 years, what kind of democracy does Thailand have? Dr Charnvit said it was a democracy for the elite, especially for those who still retain "old power" and influence. This could be easily seen by the tax regime. Thailand has not adopted a progressive tax system.

"If you look at a mature democratic country in western Europe such as Britain, you will see a highly progressive tax regime. In Thailand, if you are born into the hi-so class, you can inherit wealth without doing anything.

"Wealth is still concentrated among the higher classes in Bangkok as revealed in a study conducted by Prof Pasuk Phongpaichit. If people accept their station in life, the status quo can be maintained. But people don't accept their fate anymore."

Dr Charnvit explained that quite a few studies, especially those involving the red shirts, reveal the mistaken belief that the rural poor are uneducated and unknowing of the outside world.

But the fact is, internet cafes can be found everywhere, even in remote villages where there are no paved roads. The rural poor are not without resources or knowledge and they no longer accept injustice.

"It's a new world, but many people still cling to the old ways."

If Thailand is not a democracy, what is it? Dr Charnvit said Ajarn Pridi's definition of "Constitutional Monarchy" still applies.

"Initially, Khanarassadorn wanted to adopt the phrase 'Monarchy under Constitution', but acceded to King Prachadhiphok's wish for 'Constitutional Monarchy'. It was changed after Field Marshall Sarit Thanarat's 1947 coup with the emergence of 'Thai-style democracy' and 'Democracy with the Monarch as head of state'. It has been a long struggle, lasting 80 years, and Thai democracy is now at the crossroads."

Where do the crossroads lead? That is for the Thai people to answer, whether they believe in the absolute power of the monarch, the so-called "Devaraja" as practised in Ayutthaya and the first half of the Chakri dynasty or the democratic principles espoused by Khanarassadorn who toppled the monarch in 1932.

Two issues must be overcome. The first is to amend the constitution resulting from the 2006 coup as it is not acceptable to many people. The second issue is amending the lese majeste law.

If the problem is about inequality, why can't political parties solve it? Dr Charnvit said politicians are not the people's representatives - they represent their own social class. The class that Yingluck and Thaksin Shinawatra belongs to is no different from that of Abhisit Vejjajiva or Korn Chatikavanij.

"I think the elites are compromising, otherwise there would not be an attempt to push for a national reconciliation bill. But I do not think the grass roots will compromise."

So in the long run is it possible that the red shirts will defect from Thaksin's camp? Dr Charnvit thought it likely when the red shirts realise that Thaksin's group is not theirs.

"Political parties talk very little about structural reform. In the long run, whatever colour the grass roots are they are not stupid as they can receive all the news and information."

Dr Charnvit stressed that structural reform entails many issues to overcome. Pheu Thai and Thaksin will not undertake the task because it is long term. They care only about votes and political survival.

"The 1932 coup demonstrated that power belongs to the people. The rule of law is sacred, not a personality."

Dr Charnvit said since the time of Field Marshall Sarit, the monarchy has been used as a tool to discredit and destroy political opponents, starting from communism and now the attempt to amend Section 112. Those who advocate change were and are lumped together as disloyal to the monarchy.

The problem stems from the fact that the monarchy is very influential in the minds of ordinary Thais. So it is very convenient to use it as a tool. Why? There are no more issues of communism or colonialism. This leaves only the monarchy as a tool to destroy the opposition.

"I insist that this is dangerous. Those who profess blind loyalty without wisdom will be the ones who destroy the monarchy without realising it. If we want to preserve the monarchy on a solid footing, we must reform Section 112 so that it cannot be abused.

"Those modern countries with solid monarchies such as Britain and some western European countries do have lese majeste laws, but they are not vigorously enforced as we are doing right now. We fail to see that this law is harmful towards the monarchy.

"Many elites sincerely believe that if this law is preserved, it will protect the institution. Yet, some elites think that this law is dangerous but dare not speak out. I think respected figures such as Anand Panyarachun and Dr Prawase Wasi should take up this issue to prevent problems in the future."

Dr Charnvit said it was time for those who want to preserve and strengthen the monarchy along with democracy to do something about Section 112. They must look at both sides of the coin.

"The majority of our elites see only today and the good old days, living today's existence without caring about the future. The accumulated problem right now is that they dare not think beyond today."

Dipetik dari - Bangkok Post

Liechtenstein referendum rejects curbs on royal powers

The people of Liechtenstein have overwhelmingly rejected a proposal to curtail the political power of the royal family.

Despite an almost year-long pro-democracy campaign, 76% of those voting in Sunday's referendum said Crown Prince Alois should be allowed to retain his power of veto over decisions made in nationwide ballots.

Crown Prince Alois, who now carries out public duties in place of his father, Prince Hans Adam, has an unusual amount of power for a western European monarch in the 21st century. His powers were even extended, with the approval of the people, in 2003.

Nevertheless, some Liechtenstein citizens, like pro-democracy spokesman Sigvard Wohlwend, insist these powers are simply too great.

"They are certainly the most powerful monarchs in Europe," he said. "The prince of Liechtenstein still has the absolute right to veto any decision taken by the parliament or even the people.

"They have the right to dissolve the government, to dismiss parliament, and no judges can be appointed without the approval of the prince."

Abortion veto

Matters were brought to a head last September, ahead of a referendum on decriminalising abortion, in some cases, up to the 12th week of pregnancy.

In Liechtenstein, more than 90% of the population is Roman Catholic, and abortion is strictly illegal. Women wanting to end a pregnancy have to travel to neighbouring Germany or Austria, and if found out, risk imprisonment.

Just a few days before voters were due to cast their votes, Crown Prince Alois, also Roman Catholic, announced that he would veto any relaxation of the ban on abortion, whatever the voters decided in the referendum.

"As soon as he said that, people just felt their votes were worthless," said Sigvard Wohlwend. "The turnout collapsed; people didn't bother to go to the polls."

From that moment, a small group of Liechtensteiners began collecting signatures for another referendum, demanding the removal of the royal veto. Sunday was voting day.

The proposal was, its supporters said, fairly modest. The princely veto would be removed only for nationwide referendums; the prince would still be able to veto parliamentary decisions.

In the end, though, voters overwhelmingly backed the prince's powers, with barely 24% saying the veto should go.

Crown Prince Alois welcomed the result, saying it confirmed that "the 300-year-old partnership between the people and the royal house, which has been so successful up to now," would continue.

Although the vote was ostensibly just about the royal veto in nationwide ballots, the campaign became a debate over whether Liechtenstein should have a monarchy or not.

The principality is tiny, with a population of just 36,000. It does not even have its own currency, but uses the Swiss franc. Perhaps understandably, some citizens think the royal family is the only thing that gives their country an independent identity.

"The state of Liechtenstein has got an advantage with such a princely family," said member of parliament Renate Wohlwend (no relation to Sigvard Wohlwend), whose Progressive Citizens' Party recommended a "No" vote in Sunday's referendum.

"He represents the country; he is the guarantor of our sovereignty and stability."

"A small country has to have some flag to show, and Liechtenstein's flag is the princely house."

And, despite her position as an elected member of parliament, Renate Wohlwend is quite comfortable with the royal powers.

"I don't like to call them powers," she explained. "I think of them as rights and responsibilities, and this mix of monarchy and democracy creates the right kind of balance for a small country like Liechtenstein."

Business influence

Opinion polls regularly indicate that many, indeed the majority, share Renate Wohlwend's view. But some suspect the public backing for the royal family has more to do with business concerns than any genuine loyalty to the monarchy.

Liechtenstein's royal family owns and runs LGT, the principality's biggest bank and asset management fund. The bank employs 1,500 people - a not insignificant figure in a country of just 36,000 - and many people seem to believe the monarchy is the secret behind Liechtenstein's success as a financial sector.

The royal family itself has not been slow to remind the population of its financial power. When Prince Hans Adam asked for more constitutional powers in 2003, he warned that if he did not get them, he might abdicate and move to Austria, presumably taking his multi-billion-dollar enterprise with him. The voters duly backed him.

Nine years later, Crown Prince Alois also hinted that if his royal veto was removed, he too might withdraw from political life. Pro-democracy campaigners believe that would be a good thing, but agreed that other voters may have been worried about "offending" the prince.

"There is a very popular saying here in Liechtenstein that you can't win an election against the prince," he said. "And that is exactly the situation, we have democracy in Liechtenstein, as long as we agree with the prince."

So Sunday's big show of support for the royal family has not really come as a surprise. And, as Renate Wohlwend explained, even if voters had bucked tradition and opted to remove the royal veto, nothing much would have changed.

"Oh I think the Prince wouldn't sanction that," she said. "He would use his veto, of course."

Dipetik dari - BBC News

China sends 'combat ready' patrols to Spratlys

BEIJING - "Combat ready" Chinese naval and aerial patrols have been deployed to the disputed Spratly Islands in the West Philippine Sea to protect Beijing's interests, the Chinese Defense Ministry said Thursday.

Defense Ministry spokesman Geng Yansheng said China will "resolutely oppose any militarily provocative behavior" from other countries also claiming ownership of the Spratlys.

"In order to protect national sovereignty and our security and development interests, the Chinese military has already set up a normal, combat-ready patrol system in seas under our control," he said.

"The Chinese military's resolve and will to defend territorial sovereignty and protect our maritime rights and interests is firm and unshakeable," Geng added.

Vietnam has launched regular air patrols over the Spratly Islands.

Four aircraft, including two Russian-made Sukhoi Su-27 fighter jets, were deployed to the area on June 15, according to Vietnam's Thanh Nien News.

The Philippine Air Force, meanwhile, has deployed reconnaissance aircraft to Scarborough shoal just off Zambales that China is also claiming.

China is involved in a long-running dispute with Vietnam and the Philippines about ownership of islands and atolls in the West Philippine Sea. Taiwan, Malaysia and Brunei also have claims.

The simmering tension between China and the Philippines over Scarborough has eased in recent weeks but Chinese vessels were spotted again at Scarborough shoal this week, prompting concern that the dispute may flare up again.

The Chinese Defense Ministry also announced Thursday that the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) top officials are considering establishing a "presence" in the new city of Sansha (City of Three Sands), which was set up to govern the Nansha (Spratlys), Xisha (Paracels), and Zhongsha (Macclesfield Bank) islands.

Geng said in press conference that China may set up local military command organs in the islands, state news agency Xinhua said.

The State Council, or China's Cabinet, has approved the establishment of the prefectural-level city of Sansha to administer the Spratlys, the Paracels, and Macclesfield Bank, with the government seat to be stationed on Yongxing Island in the Paracels, a statement from the Chinese Ministry of Civil Affairs said.

At stake is control over what are believed to be significant reserves of oil and gas.

CNOOC, China's offshore oil specialist, said on its website last weekend that it would invite foreign partners to explore jointly and develop nine blocks just off Vietnam this year.

On Tuesday, Vietnam said CNOOC's plan was "illegal" and the blocks encroached its territorial waters.

At a regular briefing on Wednesday, China's Foreign Ministry spokesman, Hong Lei, insisted that the tenders were in accord with Chinese and international law and urged Vietnam not to escalate the dispute.

PLA among '9 dragons stirring up the sea'

According to a recent analysis made by the International Crisis Group, the PLA is just one of the many Chinese government agencies involved in an internal power struggle over the Spratlys and the West Philippine Sea.

"China is one of its own worst enemies in the South China Sea as its local governments and agencies struggle for power and money, inflaming tensions with its neighbors, illustrated by Beijing’s latest standoff with the Philippines," the Crisis Group said in a study published in April this year.

“Some agencies are acting assertively to compete for a slice of the budget pie, while others such as local governments are focused on economic growth, leading them to expand their activities into disputed waters," said Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt, the Crisis Group’s North East Asia Project Director. “Their motivations are domestic in nature, but the impact of their actions is increasingly international."

The study said the Chinese Foreign Ministry should be the lead body coordinating Beijing's policy in the sea.

"But the ministry lacks the power and authority to control the agencies, including five law enforcement bodies, local governments and private sector actors," it explained.

This has resulted in law enforcement and paramilitary ships independently plying the disputed waters just west of the Philippines.

According to the study, the top "dragons" claiming a piece of the Spratlys pie are the Bureau of Fisheries Administration, the China Marine Surveillance, the local governments, the Foreign Ministry, and the PLA Navy.

The other agencies include China's energy companies, the National Tourism Administration, the environmental protection ministry, the Coast Guard, the Customs Anti-Smuggling Bureau, and the Maritime Safety Administration.

The Defense Ministry's announcement Thursday may indicate that Chinese leaders have chosen the PLA Navy as the lead "dragon" in the country's bid to claim the Spratlys.

Dipetik dari - ABS-CBN News

Black Hawk choppers expected to arrive in 2014

Anna Abu Bakar
BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN

THE first batch of S-70i Black Hawk helicopters, procured by the Ministry of Defence (MinDef) last year, is expected to to be delivered to Brunei in early 2014.

The press statement provided by MinDef stated that the delivery of these advanced new aircrafts will also allow the Royal Brunei Armed Forces (RBAF) to further strengthen its troop deployment capabilities in military and humanitarian and disaster relief operations in the region.

The delivery of the 12 S-70i Black Hawk helicopters will be uniquely configured with role flexibility in mind, and also replace the current fleet of Bell 212 helicopters and enhance the Royal Brunei Air Force's rotary wing capabilities in air mobility, tactical air lift, special operations, Search and Rescue (SAR), humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, regional deployment, and surveillance of Brunei's waters and borders.

Deputy Minister of Defence Dato Paduka Hj Mustappa Hj Sirat and a team from MinDef on June 26 conducted a site visit to the PZL Mielec facility in Poland to witness the factory acceptance test for Brunei's third baseline S-70i Black Hawk helicopter.

The first two baseline aircraft recently completed its factory acceptance tests in Poland in April 2012.

The first aircraft is scheduled to be inducted to Sikorsky Military Completions Center (SMCC) in the United States (US) this October for the start of its customisation work to produce the uniquely configured aircraft that meets the RBAF requirements.

The contract in the procurement of the helicopters was signed last year on December 2, between Mindef and Sikorsky International Operations, Inc.

The contract was signed for the delivery of 12 helicopters with spare parts, ground support equipment and training package.

Colonel (L) Muzri Hj Mokhsin, director for MinDef's Centre of Science and Technology, Research and Development (CSTRAD), during the contract signing explained that one of the needs for helicopters in Brunei is to reach Temburong, which is physically separated from the rest of Brunei.

In order to have flexibility in deployment with limited numbers, the RBAF would require the "air mobility" provided by helicopters. "You can actually deploy a considerable number of troops."

Furthermore, it is equipped with the technology to see well in both day and night, and can be equipped to fly up to 500 nautical miles.

"Brunei's Economic Exclusive Zone is about 200 nautical miles, so the helicopter could fly to the end, stay for a while then come back," he said.

According to the press statement, the project has achieved several major milestones, which include the completion of several design reviews and the completion of several baseline aircraft built in PZL Mielec, Poland.

PZL Mielec, a Sikorsky company, which is a subsidiary of United Technologies Corp, produces the S-70i baseline Black Hawk helicopter, which is the latest international variant of the UH-60M Black Hawk helicopter employed by the US Army.

Dipetik dari - The Brunei Times

The state of democracy in Southeast Asia

CHAYUT SETBOONSARNG

The great philosophical question about the elements of a perfect democracy and their relation to capitalism remains unsettled, and is likely to remain thus.

Yet the recent history of Malaysia, Myanmar and Thailand calls for a more practical conversation about the nature and extent of democratic transformation in Southeast Asia.

The demand for democratic institutions is typically associated with the rise of an educated middle class, and the organisers of pro-democracy demonstrations in the streets of Bangkok and Kuala Lumpur certainly fit this demographic. But the evolution of democracy has not necessarily followed the same pattern across the whole of Southeast Asia. This is most notable in Myanmar where there is no middle class and the reformist president, Thein Sein, is acting on geopolitical and economic considerations.

The political processes in Thailand and Malaysia (and indeed in the rest of Southeast Asia) are centred on personalities rather than on ideologies. During elections, the average Thai voter does little to examine the policies put forth by the ruling Pheu Thai Party or the opposition Democrat Party. The left–right debate is non-existent because both parties’ public policies are informed by populism. Instead, voter interest is focused on who operates and supports the political parties. During the July 2011 elections, for instance, it was common knowledge that former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was fully supportive of his sister Yingluck Shinawatra’s taking the helm of the Pheu Thai Party. Yingluck’s familial affiliation also ensured the continued support of Thaksin’s base, whose welfare entitlements would be protected. Across the aisle, the Democrat Party’s known ties with the military and the old guard vouched for the party’s commitment to preserving the interests and status quo of these groups.

In Malaysia’s race-based politics, matters of austerity and taxation are also conspicuously absent from the public debate. The Bersih electoral reform activist movement, the United Malays National Organisation’s (Umno) dwindling hold on power, and the emergence of a clear bipartisan balance, gives the looming general elections more weight. The quality that most distinguishes leader of the opposition Anwar Ibrahim from the incumbent is simply that he is not Prime Minister Najib Razak. Provisions outlined in Buku Jingga, the opposition coalition Pakatan Rakyat’s master plan, are not radically different from the government’s Economic Transformation Programme.

Thailand and Malaysia are feeling the growth pains of democracy. The pressures of an uncertain economic climate and social injustice have prompted members of the growing Thai and Malaysian middle classes to spill onto the streets. Yet demonstrators are less concerned with the destination toward which their countries are heading, than with who is in the driver’s seat. This is expected of young democracies, and as long as public discourse, parliamentary censure and debate strengthen democratic institutions, it is welcome. This trajectory of democratic growth could lead to broader participation from constituents and the empowerment of fundamental democratic values, including freedom of speech and due process. Thailand and Malaysia appear to be on the brink of change: the dominance of Umno in Malaysia has not been contested to this extent since 1969, and the progressive movements in Thailand coincide with the twilight of King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s 66-year reign.

The other big story of democratic change is Myanmar, where reforms have taken place in rapid succession: political prisoners were released, by-elections were held, and the liberalisation of the market has led to the suspension of Western travel and trade sanctions. Myanmar’s reforms are an example of what Peter Gourevitch called the second image reversed, or the notion that international relations can influence and direct the course of domestic politics. Recent events in Myanmar confirm Gourevitch’s assertion that ‘economic relations and military pressures constrain an entire range of domestic behaviours, from policy decisions to political forms. International relations and domestic politics are therefore so interrelated that they should be analyzed simultaneously, as wholes’.

Thein Sein’s strategy is both a reaction to the US pivot to Asia and a hedge against China’s growing influence. Furthermore, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s recent visit to Myanmar marked the third entrant to the geopolitical game. Additionally, being part of the ASEAN Economic Community and ASEAN Chair in 2014 has encouraged Myanmar to get its economy on track through political and market liberalisation. With this comes a greater need for security and stability, which the government has decided is better achieved through reform than through oppression. While credit must be given to the students and monks who have exercised civil resistance, overall Myanmar’s reform agenda is the product of global economic and political design, not the will of its people.

ASEAN governments are not liberal democracies, nor do they claim or desire to be. Stability, an attractive investment climate and economic growth are their priorities. Expecting the ASEAN countries to become free societies may be impractical at this stage, but the current liberal momentum could usher in substantial change.

Dipetik dari - The Malaysian Insider

Mariah Carey and Pamela Anderson make a friendly pair at birthday bash for Brunei prince

Mariah Carey seems to have found a new bosom buddy on her recent jaunt to London - in the form of Pamela Anderson.

The songstress was on hand to celebrate the 30th birthday of Prince Haji Abdul Azim of Brunei on Monday night when she struck up a conversation with the blonde bombshell.

Together the pair won the full attention of the young royal at a star-studded event that saw an celebrities including Faye Dunaway, Jerry Hall, Raquel Welch and Marisa Tomei rubbing shoulders.

Pamela Anderson, Mariah Carey, Prince Azim
and Faye Dunaway enjoy a light-hearted converation

Celebrities clamoured around the second born prince of the billionaire Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah to wish him a happy early birthday at The Dorchester hotel in London.

Prince Azim, as he's known in close circles, will mark his 30th birthday on July 29.

But it was Mariah and Pam who seemed to hold his attention - Pam, handing the Brunei royal what appeared to be a birthday gift, and even standing up for what appeared to be a serenade during the celebration.

Huddled together in the centre of the room, the trio seemed to enjoy each other's company immensely, trading laughs and swapping stories during their glitzy evening out.

Pam, 44, chose a figure-hugging halter dress for the occasion, showcasing her ample cleavage and toned legs.

Mariah, 42, went for a clingy wetlook dress that flattered her curves and her honey-blonde locks.

Prince Azim, who has famously thrown lavish parties with star-studded guest lists, is no stranger to mingling with the rich and famous.

He splashed out on an extravagant party in 2009 for his 27th birthday bash, which boasted a guest list including Janet Jackson, Mariah Carey, Sophia Loren and Faye Dunaway.

Dipetik dari - Mail Online

Celebrations in Egypt as Mursi announced as president

CAIRO, Jun 24: Egypt's Supreme Presidential Electoral Commission (SPEC) has announced Mohamed Mursi as the new president. He obtained 52%, or 13.2 million of total votes.

The announcement comes amid high tension and strong presence of security forces in Cairo's streets, following the first presidential elections after the revolution that ousted dictator Hosni Mubarak last year. At press time, hundreds of thousands of Egyptians are celebrating in Tahrir Square and other cities.

Mursi stood against against Mubarak's last premier Ahmed Shafiq, who got 48 percent of total votes.

There have been widespread rumours that supporters of the two candidates may clash or react violently to the outcome.

Government institutions, schools and several embassies have either closed entirely or have let their employees return home early before the results are announced.

Thousands of Mursi supporters have been gathered in Tahrir Square over the last week, protesting new changes to the country's constitution and the dissolution of parliament.

Today's results would mean the end of the government of premier Kamal El-Ganzouri, appointed by the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) in December 2011.

According to the constitutional declaration, it will be relieved of responsibility on 30 June.

Mursi served as a Member of Parliament from 2000 to 2005, elected as an independent candidate because the Brotherhood was banned by Mubarak. He was a member of the Guidance Office of the Muslim Brotherhood until the foundation of the Freedom and Justice Party in 2011, when he was appointed its president.

He received his Ph.D. in Engineering from the University of Southern California in 1982, and taught at California State University for the next three years, before returning to Egypt to teach at Zagazig University in 1985.

Dipetik dari - Harakahdaily

Food security and climate change

On a planet with sufficient food for all, today almost half a billion women and children under 5 in the developing world are undernourished –a consequence of persistently limited nutritious food intake.

This number could increase by 20 percent, reaching one in five within a decade, compared to one in seven today, due to the impacts of climate change on global food production, according to a detailed analysis by The Partnership for Maternal, Newborn & Child Health (PMNCH), the World Health Organization (WHO), the UN System Standing Committee on Nutrition (UNSCN), 1,000 Days, World Vision International and partners.

"Food security is under threat by climate change. The linkages between its impacts on global food production, price volatility, population growth and nutrition need to be addressed in order to tackle undernourishment of these more vulnerable groups," says Julio Frenk, M.D., Ph.D., Chair of the Board of PMNCH and Dean of the Harvard School of Public Health.

According to the analysis, it is this equation of climate change and its impacts on food production plus increased population growth that would result in a deficit of global food production versus demand, which could increase by 100 million the number of undernourished women and children by 2020.

Food security will be one of the main issues to be discussed at both the Group of 20 (G20) and the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) meetings in mid-June.

"World leaders are committing to action and investment to improve nutrition for mothers and children during the critical 1,000 days from pregnancy to age two, when nutrition can have a lifelong impact on a child's future in terms of both health and development," says Carole Presern, Ph.D., Director of PMNCH and a midwife.

This new attention to nutrition is happening at country, regional and global levels. Some 27 countries accounting for 50 million undernourished women and children have committed to a new Scaling Up Nutrition effort, through which stakeholders are working to develop multi-stakeholder and multi-sectoral coordination mechanisms and comprehensive national nutrition plans and aligning resources behind these plans.

Additionally, G8 leaders and African leaders reaffirmed their commitment to achieving food security through the launch of the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, which will join African governments, private sector institutions and G8 leadership in efforts to increase responsible domestic and foreign private investments in African agriculture, with a focus on smallholder farmers, especially women.

Ministers of Health at the 2012 World Health Assembly adopted a resolution on maternal, infant and young child nutrition that endorsed the WHO Comprehensive Implementation Plan on Maternal, Infant and Young Child Nutrition. It calls on member states to develop nutrition policies and to pass legislation to control the marketing of breast milk substitutes.

Chronic hunger will increase

Today, 495 million women and children under 5 in the developing world are undernourished. That is 150 million or one in four in Africa; 315 million or one in seven in Asia; and 30 million or one in 11 in Latin America and the Caribbean.

About 465 million additional women and children under 5 will be living in developing countries by 2020, bringing the total population of this group to 3.6 billion, vastly increasing food demand.

Thus, in 10 years, the compounded impact of climate change and population growth could increase the number of undernourished women and children by 20 percent.

The greatest impact in the tropical region

According to the assessment of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), climate change is expected to affect all aspects of food security.

In particular, the tropical region, already most vulnerable to food insecurity, will be the most adversely affected. It is this climate region where 73 percent, or 360 million, undernourished women and children live.

India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal, Philippines, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Madagascar and Yemen are the countries in the tropical region with the highest percentages of undernourished women and children under 5.

However, the impacts of climate change on food production vary across and within regions.

For example, India, with 61 million undernourished children, would be at increased risk of additional undernourishment since its food production is estimated to decrease by 30 percent, according to the IPCC.

On the other hand, food production in the Philippines, also in the tropical region, would increase by 20 percent, concludes the IPCC. This will contribute to a reduction of undernourished women and children currently estimated at 16 and 38 percent respectively.

Impact on women and children

In developing countries, about 208 million women of reproductive age (15-44 years old) are undernourished, a major problem during pregnancy.

"Undernutrition is a determinant of poor health and it is women and children who suffer the most," says Dr. Frenk. "Maternal undernutrition can continue in children, extending the cycle for at least three generations.

"Undernutrition is associated with intrauterine growth restriction, leading to low birth weight of newborns and stunting (low height-for-age) –an indicator of chronic restriction of a child's potential for growth."

"These children do not have the opportunity to reach their full potential because of poor nutrition in the earliest months of life," according to Stefan Germann, Director for Partnerships, Innovation & Accountability at World Vision International. "Without proper nutrition, newborns and young children can face irreversible damage to their cognitive development, which impacts educational performance, reducing opportunities over a lifetime for both the children and for the economy they contribute to."

"The long-term damage imposed by nutritional deprivation in the 1,000 days between pregnancy and age two can be prevented. And the good news is that solutions to undernutrition are high impact and exceptionally cost-effective," says Lucy Martinez Sullivan, Executive Director of 1,000 Days.

Malnutrition in the form of overnutrition is also a growing problem in low- and middle- income countries where women and children have increasing access to inexpensive, calorie-rich but nutrient poor foods. Overweight and obesity during pregnancy increase the risk of gestational diabetes, pre-eclampsia, pregnancy-induced hypertension and large babies. The risk of preterm birth is also heightened, now the second-leading cause of death of children under the age of five.

Increase in food prices and volatility

The impacts of climate change will also affect food prices and volatility. A recent analysis by The World Bank's Food Price Watch estimates that food prices increased by 8 percent in the first quarter of 2012, partly due to extreme cold in Europe which impacted wheat prices, and excessively hot and dry conditions in South America which contributed to price increases for sugar, maize, and soybeans.

Higher food prices lead poor households to buy cheaper and less nutritious food items. For poor families, coping with rising food prices means eating less, cutting the number of meals per day and reducing the quality and variety of foods they consume.

"The impact of high food prices is more severe for the poor who rely on purchased food," says Dr. Presern. "Families in developing countries tend to spend between 50-80 percent of their income on food, compared to less than 10 percent in some developed countries."

Interventions to address food and nutrition security

Mainstreaming climate change adaptation and mitigation measures into health and nutrition policies and interventions will help address food and nutrition security for millions.

Some of these interventions include:

Controlling food prices and volatility

Addressing food price volatility can improve food security. A key area for policy action at the country level is improving agricultural production and productivity of nutritious food, especially for smallholders.

These measures also need to create an enabling environment to encourage public and private investment in agriculture. Investments, in turn, will reduce price volatility and lower production costs, which will reduce food prices.

For example, Mexico implemented "contract agriculture" under which the buyer and the farmer agree a price. This market instrument brings certainty to future transactions, as the farmer has a prospective sale of his crop and the buyer has access to a safe supply source at a competitive and predetermined price.

It is also critical to develop nutrition surveillance at the household and community levels to identify crises before they occur, and develop stronger resilience for communities at risk of food and nutrition insecurity.

Promoting education 

Education has a powerful impact on preventing under nutrition. Combined efforts by all actors at the country level should focus on mainstreaming nutrition in education. Nutrition education efforts should promote knowledge of good nutrition, with a focus on the 1,000 day window from pregnancy to age 2, while encouraging the use of nutritious, climate-resilient food staples, in particular in those countries expected to be hit hardest by climate change. Better nutritional practices would, in turn, mean more effective use of available food.

For example, the Oportunidades program in Mexico, which combined nutritional education, cash transfers and the provision of fortified weaning food supplements, had an effect of over 1 cm in the height of infants who participated in the program during the first 2 years of life.

The Oportunidades program started over a decade ago. Some of its benefits on nutrition and health included a decrease of 11 and 2 percent in maternal deaths and infant mortality, respectively.

The media also plays an important role in education. An assessment of a national mass-media campaign in Honduras reported that it increased exclusive breastfeeding from 48 to 70 percent at 1 month, from 24 to 31 percent at 4 months, and from 7 to 12 percent at 6 months of age.

Mobilizing political leadership to reduce greenhouse gases

Reducing global greenhouse gas (GHGs) emissions is a prerequisite to addressing climate change.

The ultimate objective of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is to stabilize GHG concentrations in the atmosphere to ensure that food production is not threatened.

The latest decisions of the Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC postponed the implementation of emission reductions to 2020, although the IPCC scientific assessment concluded that higher and more immediate emission reductions were needed.

High-level political leadership is needed to mainstream health and nutrition concerns into the UNFCCC discussions.

Promoting nutrition-sensitive and climate-resilient agricultural practices

Successful national nutrition plans should integrate climate change adaptation measures, like breeding crops that are more nutritious and heat-resistant, to address undernutrition.

For example, Mozambique had a very high prevalence of vitamin A deficiency. A new variety of orange sweet potato was introduced and vitamin A intakes increased substantially, leading to a 63 percent increase in vitamin A intakes for children aged 6-35 months, 169 percent for children aged 3-5.5 years and 42 percent among women.

The importance of sweet potato is two-fold. Sweet potato is effective in providing vitamin A (an essential micronutrient) and is a good source of carbohydrates, which account for 55-75 percent of a nutritious diet. It is also a heat-resistant crop requiring less water than other crops and thus adapting to changes in climate.

New multi-sectoral strategies 

Multi-sector approaches should be developed at the country level, aimed at developing country nutrition strategies that also integrate adaptation measures to climate change. These strategies should focus on incorporating alternative sources of food while providing the same amount of nutrients.

For example, China successfully implemented multi-sector action to address undernourishment. By combining anti-poverty policies, granting decision-making power to farm households, public investments in agriculture and market and price liberalization, the number of undernourished people fell from 194 million (16 percent of the population) in 1990-92 to 150 million (12 percent of the population) in 2001-03.

"We urge global leaders to prioritize and invest in programs and policies that help improve nutrition, particularly for mothers and children in the 1,000 day window, support the Scaling Up Nutrition movement, and commit to global and country-level targets to reduce malnutrition," says Lucy Sullivan. "Improving nutrition should not just be seen as a development priority for the G-20, but as an economic growth strategy for countries looking to compete globally," say Dr. Presern.

Dipetik dari - Science Codex

Aquino urged to reveal docking deal with US

President accused of paving the way for the virtual return of US military bases in Central Luzon

Manila: Militants called on Congress to urge President Benigno Aquino to reveal the alleged signing of an agreement that gives docking and landing rights to American ships and aircraft at the former US bases in central Luzon, sources said.

President Aquino is “obliged by national interest to reveal the real score about his agreement with General Martin Dempsey, chair of US Joint Chiefs of Staff, who was at Malacanang Palace in early June, prior to Aquino’s official visit to meet US President Barack Obama in Washington D.C. on June 8,” Fernando Hicap, national chairperson of Pamalakaya, an organisation of fisherfolks, told the Star.

Aquino allegedly paved the way “for the virtual return of US military bases in Central Luzon”, Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), said in a statement on June 6.

The agreement was to “to give the US military unrestricted prerogative to make use of the naval and airport facilities of its former military bases in Clark, Pampanga and Subic, Zambales [both in central Luzon],” the CCP claimed.

It quoted the alleged agreement as saying that US naval ships and military aircraft can use facilities only with “prior clearance from the Philippine government”.

It is an insignificant caveat to make the government appear to have the right to assert its sovereignty, the CPP said.

The agreement could mean “deployment of large numbers of American troops, naval warships, aircraft, drones and other military facilities on a level unprecedented since the 1946 Military Bases Agreement was rejected [by the Philippine Senate] on September 17, 1991,” the CCP warned.

It could also mean weakening of the “Philippines to exercise an independent foreign policy” and the “Philippines’ sovereign right to choose its friends and enemies”, the CPP added.

This will allow the US “to use the Philippines as a staging platform for its interventionism, power-projection and hegemony-building efforts in the Asia-Pacific region, in outright violation of Philippine sovereignty”, the CPP said.

If the agreement really exists, “the entire country is in danger of becoming an even larger American military base,” Eleanor de Guzman, deputy secretary of Bayan, a leftist political party, told Bulatlat, a militant news website.

In 1991, the Philippine Senate rejected the US-proposed 10-year extension of the now defunct 1946 Philippine-US Military Bases Agreement (MBA), the basis of US presence in the Philippines, which actually began right after the end of the Spanish rule in 1898.

But the Philippine Senate in 1998 ratified the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) that the executive level had signed with US representatives during the time of former President Fidel Ramos.

The VFA became a guideline in the holding of US-Philippine joint war games that resumed in the early 2000.

The war games paved the way for US intelligence assistance to Philippine soldiers who have been tracking down members of the Abu Sayyaf Group, a terror group with links to Jemaah Islamiyah.

It also allowed increased US presence in the Philippines.

These developments were seen as efforts to strengthen the country’s anti-terrorism campaign, and also to rebuff China.

Since last year, the Philippines has been complaining of China’s flexing of military might in the South China Sea; of harassing Filipino seamen, including Philippine vessels engaged in oil drilling activity in the contested sea-lane.

China, Taiwan, and Vietnam claim the whole of the South China Sea based on historical rights.

Brunei, Malaysia, and Philippines claim some parts of the Spratly Archipelago in the South China Sea, based on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Unclos) which gives nations 200 nautical miles exclusive economic zone from their shores.

The Philippines and Thailand are two of US’s formal allies among 10-member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean).

Dipetik dari - gulnews

Insight - Liechtenstein prince faces vote over veto power

VADUZ (Reuters) – It isn’t easy being a campaigner for more democracy in the tiny principality of Liechtenstein. Everybody knows everybody in this arch-conservative state and the subjects of the last monarchy in Europe with any real power don’t like rocking the boat.

Activists who want to end the monarchy’s right to veto popular referendums say they have received threatening letters and seen far-right vandals deface campaign posters with Nazi slogans like “Heil Fatherland” and “Democrats are the death of the people”.

Given the charged atmosphere in this state of just 36,000, few dare to speak out against billionaire Prince Hans-Adam von und zu Liechtenstein, whose family has ruled the 160-sq-km (62-sq-mile) principality since 1699 and is credited with turning a rural backwater into a wealthy banking centre.

But democracy campaigners still managed to gather just enough signatures to call a referendum on the prince’s veto right – set for July 1 – by canvassing support in private and assuring voters that their names would be kept secret.

“People are worried about being seen as against the prince,” Sigvard Wohlwend, a communications consultant who is a spokesman for the campaign, told Reuters in a cafe in the pedestrianised main street of the sleepy capital Vaduz.

Wohlwend said most people don’t want to reopen deep divisions over the monarchy that were triggered by a constitutional crisis in 2003.

“Today I argue with a politician and tomorrow I play football with him and I’m probably also related to him somehow. That’s village life,” said Wohlwend, who greeted several passersby during the course of the interview.

An attempt to canvas support at his son’s football match did not go down well, he said.

While the prince has far-reaching executive powers beyond the veto right, he rarely has to use them. All he needs to do to strike fear into the hearts of his subjects is to threaten to quit the country which carries his name, undermining stability and affluence for all.

“God, Prince, Fatherland” bumper stickers are popular around Vaduz and 1,200 opponents of the referendum had their names printed in the national newspaper.

“If you speak to young and old it is clear for all that this initiative will be rejected,” said one senior banker, who sported the gold crown lapel pin of the pro-Prince camp but did not want his name used in this article.

“The princely house is a stabilising factor for our country because it thinks for generations and not just for four years.”

It’s an argument that carries particular weight at a time when the country’s powerful financial industry is trying to sell political stability as the main reason to bank in Liechtenstein after it came under pressure to stop sheltering tax dodgers.

MOST POWERFUL MONARCH IN WEST

Wilfried Marxer, director of the Liechtenstein Institute – a largely government-funded research body – said it was hard to have a rational debate about the monarchy.

“It is a very controversial issue. The topic of the position of the monarch in Liechtenstein is not so much rational as emotional. People don’t want conflict,” he said. “If there is a lack of consensus between the people it is difficult for a society as small as Liechtenstein.”

The July vote is only on the prince’s right to veto the results of popular referendums; he would retain the right to veto decisions made by parliament.

The campaign was triggered last year after Crown Prince Alois said he would block the legalisation of abortion in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy if his people approved it in a referendum, held in September after a years-long debate.

Alois has run day-to-day affairs in Europe’s fourth smallest state since Hans-Adam returned to managing his family’s fabulous wealth after winning a referendum to increase the monarchy’s powers with 64 percent of the vote in 2003.

In the end, the father of four, whose wife Sophie runs a charity that supports women who have unwanted pregnancies, did not have to resort to the veto because the proposal was rejected by 52 percent of the largely Catholic population.

“Just by commenting, the prince can move 10 or 20 percent of the population of Liechtenstein in one direction or the other. By threatening his veto, he can avoid having to use it,” said Wohlwend.

“There is no other head of state who has these powers. He is the most powerful monarch in the Western hemisphere – and will remain the most powerful monarch after a ‘Yes’ in the popular vote,” he said.

Alois, 44, who lives in a fortified castle that clings to steep forested slopes above Vaduz, has said his family would withdraw from political life if it loses the vote.

“The princely house will not serve as a fig leaf for policies it no longer supports,” Alois said in a speech at the opening of parliament in March. The prince declined to speak to Reuters for this article.

Hans-Adam managed to head off an attempt to limit his powers a decade ago with a similar threat, suggesting his family could move to Vienna where their ancestors lived until 1938 if their subjects no longer wanted them.

“There is a small group of politically ambitious individuals for whom the monarchy has long been a thorn in the side. First they want to weaken the monarchy and then completely abolish it,” Hans-Adam, 67, said in February.

“Unfortunately in the 20th century, there have been enough examples of monarchies being removed by revolutions and replaced by bloody dictators,” he told the Liechtensteiner Vaterland newspaper in his annual birthday interview.

BANKING BEHEMOTH UNDER PRESSURE

Vaduz is an odd mixture of modernity and tradition. The quaint postcard shops and cafes that you would expect in any small Alpine town are interspersed with boxy city office buildings, the largest belonging to banks like LLB and LGT.

In a reminder of the not-too-distant past of this country sandwiched in the Alps between Austria and Switzerland, visitors can also still catch the smell of manure in the centre of Vaduz and see the odd tractor chugging through the streets.

Gesturing up the hill to the 13th-century royal castle, Wohlwend doubted Hans-Adam would ever really quit Vaduz.

“Why should he give up his enormous privileges?” he said. “He can direct policies that benefit the princely family and its interests. He pays no taxes. He saves millions of francs a year in wealth taxes.”

After the Liechtenstein royal family lost vast tracts of land and castles in eastern Europe at the end of World War Two, they reinvented their country as a tax haven, attracting offshore companies and the savings of wealthy foreigners.

That helped LGT, owned by the royal family, become hugely profitable, making the Liechtenstein monarchy the wealthiest in Europe, worth 6-7 billion Swiss francs ($6.25-7.3 billion), according to the 2011 rich list in the Swiss magazine Bilanz.

LGT, the country’s biggest bank with 87 billion francs under management, is run by Alois’ brother Max and offers clients the possibility to invest in a “Princely Portfolio”, using the same broad diversification strategy as the monarchy.

The family also owns several palaces and tracts of forest and vineyards in Austria, as well as a valuable art collection.

The booming financial sector – the tiny nation has 17 banks and 107 wealth management companies – also helped make Liechtenstein’s citizens among the world’s wealthiest, with national output per person seen over $141,000 in 2012.

The dominance of banking has pushed up property prices: there were no houses for sale under 2 million francs in the window of one Vaduz real estate agent, which also advertised a villa near the princely castle for 5.5 million.

But the industry has been in crisis since 2008 when bank data leaked by a former LGT employee revealed hundreds of rich Germans had hidden assets in the country, forcing Liechtenstein to promise to clamp down on tax dodgers from abroad.

The U.S. Department of Justice is also investigating the second biggest bank LLB for allegedly helping rich Americans to avoid paying tax, one of at least 11 banks – mostly Swiss – targeted in the probe.

The Swiss and Liechtenstein governments are trying to get the investigation dropped in return for the likely payment of heavy fines and the transfer of thousands of client names. LLB has said it is working with U.S. authorities to reach a settlement.

The tax issue, compounded by rocky markets and a rise in the Swiss franc – Liechtenstein’s official currency since 1924 – slashed assets managed in the country from a 2007 peak of 153 billion francs to 109 billion at the end of 2011.

‘LIECHTENSTEIN SPRING’ UNLIKELY

As the tide of foreign money has turned, the government has been forced to make unprecedented budget cuts, reinforcing support for a stable status-quo.

“We have never had real revolutionary times. The prince is seen as a protector rather than an exploiter,” said Marxer of the Liechtenstein Institute. “People see more advantages than disadvantages from the princely house to risk it withdrawing from politics or leaving the country.”

In February, ratings agency Standard & Poor’s confirmed its ‘AAA’ rating for Liechtenstein, saying “stable and conservative policies have resulted in a strong history of managing political and economic challenges which we expect to continue.”

Prime Minister Klaus Tschuetscher, who went to school with Prince Alois and meets him every couple of weeks to discuss official business, said the veto dispute could be resolved by limiting when the royals are allowed to speak out on key topics.

“The debate should be around when the princely house should express itself on referendums. I personally believe it should be after the people have expressed their will so that there is really free volition,” he told Reuters.

“The princely house is as integral to Liechtenstein as is the Rhine which makes the border to Switzerland, and the Swiss franc,” he said.

“The people of Liechtenstein know what they get from the princely house and the princely house knows what it gets from Liechtenstein. It is such a symbiotic relationship that nobody will give that up easily.”

Dipetik dari - euronews